Indonesia
President Soekarno
Speech of the President of the Republic of Indonesia
Before the U.N. General Assembly to - XV
September 30, 1960
*) Copied in EYD from: Guidelines for Implementing the Political Manifesto of the Republic
Indonesia Special publication, Jakarta, Indonesian Ministry of Information, 1960.
https://kepustakaan-presiden.perpusnas.go.id
BUILD THE WORLD AGAIN
Speech of the President of the Republic of Indonesia
Before the U.N. General Assembly to - XV
September 30, 1960
Mr Chief,
Your Excellencies,
Dear Delegates and Representatives,
Today, in addressing the General Assembly of the United Nations, I feel the pressure of a great sense of responsibility. I feel low
the heart spoke before the great assembly of wise and wise statesmen
experienced from east and west, from north and from south, from old peoples and from
young peoples and from nations that have just awakened from a long sleep.
I have made a prayer to God Almighty so that my tongue can
find the right words to express how my heart feels, and I have too
pray that these words will resonate in the hearts of those who hear them.
I am very happy to be able to congratulate Mr. Chairman on
his appointment to a high and constructive office. I also feel happy
once to convey on behalf of the nation I say a very warm welcome
to the sixteen new Members of the United Nations.
Islamic Scriptures mandate something to us at this time. The Qur'an says: "O,
mankind, indeed I have made you all from a man and
a woman, so that you are nations and tribes so that you people
know each other. That which is more noble among you all, is
who is more pious to Me."
And also the Christian Bible is mandated to us. "All glory to Allah in place
the Most High, and in peace on earth among those He pleases."
I am truly deeply moved to let go of my views on this Assembly.
Here is the proof of the truth of the struggle that runs for generations. Here is the proof,
that sacrifice and suffering had served their purpose. Here is the proof, that
justice was in effect, and that some great evils had been removed.
Furthermore, as I cast my gaze upon this Assembly, my heart was filled with
a great and great joy. Clearly visible in my eyes dawning
a new day, and that sun of independence and emancipation, that sun already
we have long dreamed of, has been published in Asia and Africa.
Now, today, just speaking before the leaders of the nations and the
builders of nations. However, indirectly, I also spoke to them
whom you represent, to those who sent you here, to them
who have entrusted their future in the hands of gentlemen. I really want
so that my words will also echo in their hearts, in the conscience of the ummah
human, in the great heart that has raised so many cries of joy,
so many cries of anguish and despair, and so much love and laughter.
Today it was President Soekarno who spoke before gentlemen. But more than that, he was a human being, Soekarno, an Indonesian, a husband, a father, a member of the human family. I speak to you gentlemen on behalf of my people, there are 92 million of them in an archipelago far and wide, 92 million people who have experienced life full of struggle and sacrifice, 92 million people who have built a country on the ruins of an empire.
They, and the people of Asia and Africa, the people of the Americas and the continent of Europe and the people of the continent of Australia, are watching and listening and hoping. This organization of the United Nations is for them a hope for the future and a good possibility for the present age.
The decision to attend this General Assembly Session was not an easy one for me. My nation itself faces many problems, and the time to solve them is always very limited. However, this session is probably the most important Assembly ever held and we all have a responsibility to the world as a whole as well as to our individual nations.
None of us can avoid that responsibility, and surely none of us want to avoid it. I firmly believe that leaders of younger and born-again nations can make a very positive contribution to solving the many problems facing this Organization and the world at large. Indeed, I believe that people will say once again that: "The new world was asked to fix the balance of the old world".
It is clear that today all the problems of our world are interconnected. Colonialism has a relationship with security; security has a relationship with issues of peace and disarmament; disarmament is related to the peaceful development of underdeveloped countries. Well, it's all interrelated. If we finally succeed in solving one problem, then it opens the way for solving other problems. If we succeed in solving, for example, the problem of disarmament, then the necessary funds will be available to help those nations that really need help.
What is urgently needed, however, is that the problems of all of them should be solved by the use of agreed principles. Every attempt to solve it by using violence, or by threat of violence, or by possessing power, will certainly fail and will even result in worse problems. In short, the principle that must be followed is the principle of sovereign equality for all nations, which of course is none other than the exercise of human rights. and national human rights. For all nations there must be: one foundation, and all nations must accept that basis, for their own protection and for the safety of mankind.
If I may say, we from Indonesia pay very special attention to the United Nations. We have a very special desire for this Organization to grow and prosper. Because of his actions, the struggle for independence and our own national life has been shortened. I can say with full confidence that our struggle, in any case, will be successful, but the actions of the United Nations have shortened the struggle and
have prevented much sacrifice and suffering and destruction, both on our part and on the part of our opponents.
Why do I believe that our struggle will be successful, with or without the activities of the United Nations? I am sure of that for two reasons. First, I know my people; I know their boundless thirst for national independence, and I know their determination. Secondly, I am sure of it because of the course of history.
All of us, everywhere in this world, live in an era of nation-building and the collapse of empires. This is the era of the rise of nations and the rise of nationalism. To close one's eyes to this reality is to be blind to history, to ignore fate and to deny reality. Once again I say, we live in the era of the development of nations.
This process is inevitable and certain; sometimes slowly and unavoidably, like lava descending the slopes of a volcano in Indonesia; sometimes swift and inevitable, share the rush of the flood from behind an imperfectly constructed dam. Slow and inevitable, or fast and inevitable, victory in the national struggle is a certainty.
When the journey to freedom is completed throughout the world, then our world will be a better place; it will be a cleaner and much healthier place. We must not stop fighting at this moment, when victory has appeared, instead we must redouble our efforts. We have made a promise to the future and it must be fulfilled. In this case we are not only fighting for our own interests, but we are fighting for the interests of the entire human race, yes, our struggle is even for the interests of those we oppose.
Five years ago, twenty-nine Asian and African nations sent their envoys to the Indonesian city of Bandung. Twenty nine Asian and African nations. Now, how many independent nations are there? I won't count them out, but have a look around the Assembly now! And tell me am I right, when I say that now is the time for nation-building, and the time for nations to rise. Yesterday was Asia, and it's an unfinished process. Now Africa, even then, is a process, yes, it's not finished yet.
After all, not all Asian and African nations are represented here. The organization of these nations has been weakened so long as it refuses representation of one nation, and in particular of a nation that is old and wise and strong.
I mean China. I mean what is often called Communist China, which for us is the only real China. This organization of nations is greatly weakened precisely because it rejects the citizenship of the world's largest nation.
Every year we support China's acceptance into the United Nations as a member. We will continue to do so. We don't provide that support simply because we have good relations with the country. And surely we don't give that support for some partisan reasons. No, our position on this question is guided by political realism. By short-sightedly excluding a great nation, a nation great and strong in the sense of quantity, culture, features of an ancient civilization, a nation full of strength and economic power, by excluding that nation we weaken this International Organization even more, and thus , further away from our needs and ideals.
We are committed to making the United Nations strong and universal and capable of fulfilling the functions it deserves. That is why we always support China's participation in our environment. After all, disarmament is an urgent necessity in this world. This most important of all issues must be negotiated and resolved within the framework of this Organization. But how can a realistic disarmament regarding disarmament be achieved, if China, which is one of the strongest countries in the world, is not included in these deliberations?
China's representation in the United Nations will engage the country in constructive world affairs and will thereby greatly strengthen this institution.
In the year nineteen sixty, the General Assembly meets again for its annual session. However, this General Assembly should not be considered just another routine meeting, and if it is considered as a routine meeting, then it is likely that the entire international Organization will be threatened with collapse.
Mark my words, that is my plea! Don't treat the problems that gentlemen will discuss as routine problems. If treated in this way, this Organization which has given us a hope for the 'future, a good possibility of international conformity, may break up. It may fade away under the waves of conflict, as experienced by the organization it replaces. If this happens, humanity as a whole will suffer, and a lofty dream, a lofty aspiration, will be crushed. Remember it's not just words that gentlemen deal with. are not the pawns on the chessboard that gentlemen face. What gentlemen are facing are humans, human dreams, human aspirations and the future of all humans.
With all sincerity, I say: we, newly independent nations, intend to fight for the interests of the United Nations. We aim to strive for its success and make it effective. This body can be made effective, and will be made effective, only if its members fully acknowledge the inevitability of the course of history. The body can only be effective if it follows the course of history, and does not try to stem or divert or hinder it.
I have said that this is the time of the building of nations and the collapse of empires. That's the real truth. How many nations have gained their independence since the creation of the United Nations Charter? How many nations have cast down the chains of oppression that have bound him? How many empires built on human oppression have crumbled? We, who were silent before, are not silent anymore. We, who were silent in the midst of imperialism's misery, are no longer silent. We, whose life struggles are hidden under the cloak of colonialism, are no longer hidden.
Since that historic day in Nineteen Fourpulut Lima, the world has changed, and it has changed towards improvement. From this age of nation-building there has emerged the possibility - yes, the necessity - of a world free from fear, free from want, free from national oppression. Right now, right now, in this General Assembly, we can prepare ourselves to place ourselves in that future world, the world we have thought and dreamed and imagined.
We can do that, but only if we don't treat this meeting as a routine session. We must admit that the United Nations is facing a hoard of problems, each urgent, each posing a possible threat to peace and peaceful progress.
We are determined that the fate of the world, our world, will not be determined without us. That fate will be determined by our participation and cooperation. Important decisions for peace and the future of the world can be made right here and right now. Here the Heads of State and Heads of Government gather. That is the framework of our Organization. I sincerely hope that rigid protocol issues and petty feelings of hurt, - individual as well as national feelings, - will not prevent the opportunity from being used to the fullest. Opportunities like this don't come around often. It must be used as well as possible. We now have a unique opportunity to combine individual diplomacy with public diplomacy. Let's use that opportunity. Opportunity will not come back again!
I am deeply aware that the presence of so many Heads of State and Heads of Government fulfilled the expectations of millions of people. They can make vital decisions to define a new face for our world and thus a new face for the United Nations.
It is appropriate at this time to consider the position of the United Nations in relation to today's age of development and the rise of nations.
This I put forward: for a nation that has just been born or a nation that has just been born again, the most valuable possession is independence and sovereignty.
Maybe - I don't know, but maybe - that the feeling to uphold this precious gem of sovereignty and independence can only be found among nations that have just reawakened. Perhaps after the passage of several generations the feelings of pride and achievement of those goals faded. Maybe so, but I don't think so.
Even today, two hundred years later, is an Arnerika not thrilled to hear the words of the Declaration of Independence? Is an Italian who now does not welcome Mazzini's summons? Is a citizen of Latin America no longer hearing the echo of San Martin?
True, is there a citizen of the world who does not respond to those calls and voices? We are all thrilled, we all welcome, because those voices are universal, both regarding time and place. They are the voices of suffering humanity, the voices of the future, and we are still hearing them throughout the ages.
No, I am convinced, absolutely certain that in national sovereignty and independence there is something eternal, something as hard and as bright as a jewel, and far more precious.
Many nations in this world have long owned this gem. They have been accustomed to possessing it, but I am sure that they still regard it as the dearest of their possessions, and they would rather die than give it up.
Is not it? Will your own nation ever be willing to give up its independence? Every nation that deserves to be called a nation will choose death! Every leader who deserves to be called the leader of any nation, will also choose death!
How much more valuable is that to us, who once possessed the gems of independence and national sovereignty, and then felt that they were snatched from our hands by bandits who were fully armed, and which we have now recaptured!
The United Nations is an organization of Nation States, each of which holds the jewel firmly as something of value. We have all joined voluntarily, as brothers and equals in this Organization. As brothers and equals, because we all have equal sovereignty and we all regard equal sovereignty as equally valuable.
This is an international body. This body is neither super-national nor supra-national. This body is an organization of Nation States, and can only operate as long as Nation States so desire.
Have we all unanimously agreed to surrender some part of our sovereignty to this body? No, never. We have accepted both the Charter and it has been signed by Nation States which are fully sovereign and fully equal.
There is a possibility that this body should consider whether its members have to surrender a part of their sovereignty to this international body. But if such a decision is taken, it must be made freely, and unanimously, and as an equal. It must be decided equally by all nations, the ancient and the new, the nations that have just emerged and those that have long been advanced and those that have not been advanced.
This is not something that can be forced on any nation. Furthermore, the only possible basis for such bodies is true equality. The sovereignty of the newest or the smallest nation is as precious, just as inviolable, as the sovereignty of the greatest or oldest nation. And apart from that, a violation of the sovereignty of a nation is a potential threat to the sovereignty of all nations.
It is in this picture of the world that we must see the world today. Our one world consists of Nation States, each of which is equally sovereign and each is determined to protect that sovereignty, and each has the right to safeguard that sovereignty. And once again I say - and I repeat this because it is the basis of understanding the world today - we live in an age of nation-building.
This fact is far more important than the existence of nuclear weapons, more explosive than hydrogen bombs, and has a greater potential value to the world than the splitting of the atom.
The balance of the world has been shifted since that day in June, fifteen years ago, when the Charter was signed in the American city of San Francisco, at a time when humanity was emerging from the hell of war.
The fate of mankind can no longer be decided by a few great and powerful nations. Also we, the younger nations, the budding nations, the smaller nations, we also have the right to speak and that voice will surely resound throughout the ages.
Well, we are aware of our responsibility for the future of all nations, and we happily accept that responsibility. My nation commits itself to work for a better world, a world free from conflict and
suspense, a world where children can grow up proud and free, a world where justice and prosperity apply to all. Would any nation reject such a promise?
Several months ago, just before the leaders of the Great Powers met so briefly in Paris, Mr. Khrushchov was our guest in Indonesia. I explained to him as clearly as I could, that we welcomed the Summit, which we hoped would be successful, but that we were sceptical.
The Four Great Countries alone, could not determine the issue of war and peace. More precisely, perhaps, they have the power to destroy the peace, but they have no moral right, either alone or together, to try to determine the future of the world.
During these fifteen years the West has known peace, or at least the absence of war. Of course, there are tensions. Indeed, there is danger. But it remains a fact, that in the midst of a revolution covering three-quarters of the world, the West remains at peace. The two major blocs, in fact, have successfully practiced coexistence over the years, thereby refuting those who deny the possibility of coexistence.
We in Asia have never known a state of peace! After peace came to Europe, we felt the effects of the atomic bombs. We are experiencing our own national revolution in Indonesia. We feel the Vietnamese torture. We are suffering from the Korean persecution. We are still suffering from Algeria's pain. Should it be the turn of our brothers and sisters in Africa now? Do they have to be tortured, while our wounds are still not healed?
After all, the West is still at peace. Is it any wonder, gentlemen, that we are now demanding, yes, demanding that our torture be annulled? Is it any wonder, gentlemen, that now my voice is being raised in protest?
We, who were once silent, have demands and needs; we deserve to be heard. We are not trading goods, but are living and mighty nations, who have a role in this world, and who must make a contribution.
I use strong words, and I use them deliberately, because I have a firm stand on the matter. I deliberately use strong words, because I speak for my nation and because I speak before the leaders of nations.
Apart from that, I know that my brothers and sisters in Asia and Africa have the same firm stand, even though I dare not speak on their behalf.
This General Assembly will certainly face many important matters. But nothing is more important than peace. Regarding this, I am currently not talking about the problems that have arisen between the Great Countries in the world. These questions are very vital for us, and I will return to them later. But look around our world. In many places there are tensions and potential sources of conflict. Look at these places and you will find that almost without exception, imperialism and colonialism in one of its many manifestations is the source of that tension or dispute. Imperialism and colonialism and the continued forced separation of nations are the source of almost all the international crimes that threaten our world.
Until the evils of the accursed past are put to an end, there will be no rest or peace throughout this world.
Imperialism, and the struggle to defend it, is the greatest evil in our world. Many of the gentlemen in this session have never known imperialism. Many of you gentlemen were born free and will die free. Some of you gentlemen were born from nations that have carried out imperialism against others, but have never suffered from it themselves. However, my brothers and sisters in Asia and Africa have known the whip of imperialism. They have suffered. They know the danger and the cunning and the tenacity.
We in Indonesia know him too. We are experts in this matter! Based on that knowledge and based on that experience, I tell you gentlemen that the continuation of imperialism in every form is a grave and protracted danger.
Imperialism is not yet dead. Yes, it's dying; yes, the currents of history are sweeping through its strongholds and undermining its foundations; yes, the victory of independence and nationalism is certain. But - and mark my words - dying imperialism is dangerous, as dangerous as a wounded tiger in a tropical jungle.
I emphasize this to you gentlemen - and I realize that now speaking for my brothers and sisters in Asia and Africa - the struggle for independence is always justified and right. Those who oppose the inevitable march of national independence and the right to self-determination are blind; those who seek to return what cannot be returned are a danger to themselves and to the world.
Until these facts - and they are facts - are acknowledged, there will be no peace in the world, and tensions will not disappear. I appeal to you gentlemen: place the authority and moral strength of this Organization of Nations behind those who are fighting for independence. Do it clearly and decisively. Do it now! Do it, and gentlemen will get unanimous and sincere support from all people of good will. Do it now, and generations to come will appreciate you, gentlemen. I appeal to you gentlemen, to all members of the United Nations: Move with the flow of history; do not try to stem the current.
The United Nations now also has the opportunity to build for itself a great reputation and prestige. Those fighting for independence will seek support and allies wherever they can find them; it would be better if they turned to this body and to our Charter rather than to any group or part of this body.
Eliminate the causes of war, and we will have peace. Eliminate the causes of tension and we will feel calm. Don't delay. Time is short. The danger is great.
Humanity all over the world cries out for peace and tranquility, and these things are within our power. Do not prevent it, because later this body will be defamed and abandoned. Our task is not to defend this world, but to rebuild it! The next day - supposing there is a future - will judge us based on the success of our task.
I ask nations that have been around for a long time, don't underestimate the power of nationalism. If you doubt its power, take a look around this Assembly and compare it to San Francisco fifteen years ago. Nationalism, nationalism that triumphed resoundingly, has caused this change, and this is good. Today the world is enriched and glorified by the wisdom of the leaders of newly created sovereign nations. To name six of the many examples, namely a Norodom Sihanouk, a Nasser, a Nehru, a Sekao Toure, a Mao Tse Tung and a Nkrumah. Wouldn't the world be better if they were here than they used their whole life and all their strength to overthrow the imperialism that bound them? And their nations are free, and my nation is free, and many more nations are free. Wouldn't this make the world a better and richer place?
Indeed, I don't need to explain to you gentlemen, that we from Asia and Africa oppose colonialism and imperialism. More than that, who in today's world would still defend these things? They have been universally condemned, and rightly so, and those old cynical excuses are not heard anymore. The current controversy is centered on the question of when the colonized areas will become independent, and not on the question of whether they will become independent.
But I want to emphasize this matter. Our opposition to colonialism and imperialism arises both from our hearts and from our heads. We oppose it on humanitarian grounds, and we oppose it on the grounds that it is a great and growing threat to peace.
The lack of agreement with the colonial powers revolved around questions of time and security, for now at least they were talking nonsense about ideals of national independence.
Therefore, think deeply about nationalism and independence, about patriotism and about imperialism. Think deeply, is my request, don't let the currents of history overwhelm you, gentlemen.
Today, we hear and read a lot about disarmament. The word is usually used in connection with nuclear and atomic disarmament. Forgive me. I am a simple and peace loving person. I cannot speak on the details of disarmament. I cannot pass judgment on the competing opinions about surveillance, about underground experiments and about seismographic records.
On questions of imperialism and nationalism I am an expert, after a lifetime of studying and struggling, and I speak with authority about these questions. But regarding matters of nuclear war, I am just an ordinary person, maybe like your neighbor or like your brother or even like your father. I share their horror, I share their fear.
I share the horror and fear, it's because I am part of this world. I have children, and their future is in danger. I am an Indonesian, and the nation is in danger.
Those who wielded these weapons of mass destruction must now face their own consciences, and finally, perhaps in a state of being scorched to radioactive dust, they must face their Al Chalik. I don't envy them.
Those who are concerned about nuclear disarmament should not forget that we, who previously were speechless in this matter, are watching and hoping.
We are watching and hoping, yet we are filled with anxiety, because if a nuclear war destroys our world, we will suffer too.
No creature has the right to use the prerogative rights of God Almighty. No one has the right to use hydrogen bombs. No one nation has the right to cause the possible destruction of all nations.
There is no political system, no economic organization that is worthy to cause the destruction of the world, including the system and the organization itself.
If only countries armed with hydrogen are involved in this issue, then we Asian and African nations will not pay any attention to it. We will only watch with aloofness, with a sense of wonder why countries, from which we have learned so much, and which we admire so much, must today sink into the quagmire of immorality. We will be able to exclaim: "Woe to you!", and we will be able to return to our own more balanced and peaceful world.
But we cannot, do so. We Asian peoples have suffered from the atomic bomb. We Asian peoples are being threatened again, and moreover we feel a moral obligation to provide assistance where possible. We are neither the enemy of the East nor the West. We are a part of this world and we want to help.
This was a scream from Asia's heart. Let us help solve these problems. Maybe gentlemen watched it too long, and no longer see it clearly. Let us help gentlemen, and in helping gentlemen we help ourselves, and all future generations throughout the world.
It is clear, then, that the issue of disarmament is not merely a disagreement over narrow technical grounds. This is also a matter of mutual trust. In fact, it is clear that in the technical field and in the ways of negotiation and diplomacy, there is not much difference between us from Asia-Africa and the two blocs. The problem is actually more a matter of mutual distrust. This is a problem that can be solved in these ways. Other countries that are not members of a bloc can provide assistance in this matter! We do not lack the experience and intelligence to hold talks. Maybe our intercession can also be valuable. Perhaps we can also provide assistance in finding a solution. Maybe - who knows - we can show you gentlemen the way towards the only true disarmament, namely disarmament in the human heart, disarming human distrust and hatred.
Nothing is more urgent than this. And this problem is so vital for all mankind, that all mankind must be involved in solving it. I think at this point we can say, that actually only the pressure and efforts of non-aligned countries will produce the results needed by the whole world. The real talk of disarmament, within the framework of this organization, and based on a real hope of success, is. which is essential now.
I emphasize "within the framework of this organization", because only this Assembly begins to approach a true reflection of the world in which we live.
Ponder, ponder for a moment, what might happen if we could lay a foundation for true disarmament. Remember the enormous funds that can be used to improve the world in which we live. Remember the enormous driving force that can be given to the development of the less advanced, even if only a small part of the defense budgets of the Great Countries are channeled in this direction. Remember that it will greatly increase human happiness, human productivity and human well-being if it is held.
Just need to add something more to this. If there is a greater immorality than demonstrating hydrogin weapons, it is carrying out experiments with them. I know that there is a difference of scientific opinion about the genetic consequences of these experiments. However, this difference only concerns the number of victims. There is disagreement about the existence of bad genetic consequences. Had those who authorized the experiments ever imagined the consequences of their actions? Have they looked at their own children and contemplated the consequences? At present experiments with nuclear weapons are suspended, - notice not prohibited, but only suspended. So, let's use this fact as a start. Let us use this fact as a basis for banning the experiment, and then for real disarmament.
Before leaving the issue of disarmament, I would like to give another review. Talking about disarmament is good. But trying earnestly to draw up a disarmament agreement would be better. And the best is the implementation of the disarmament agreement.
But let's be realistic. Even the implementation of a disarmament agreement will not be a guarantee for peace in a world in misery and trouble. Peace will only come when the causes of tension and clashes are removed.
If there is some reason for clashes, then humans will fight with sharpened bamboo sticks, if there is no other weapon. I know because my own people did it in our struggle for independence. We have fought using knives and bamboo spears. In order to achieve peace, we must get rid of the causes of tension and the causes of clashes. That is why I speak from the bottom of my heart about the need to work together to bring about the ignominious death of imperialism.
Where there is imperialism, and where there is a simultaneous arrangement of armed forces, the situation is indeed dangerous. Once again I speak from experience. That's how it is in West Irian. This is the situation in one-fifth of our national territory which today is still bent under the shackles of imperialism.
It was there that we faced imperialism and the armed forces of imperialism. At the border of that area our troops spoke on land and at sea. The two armed forces confronted each other, and I can say that it was an explosive situation. Not long ago the army in West Irian who was young and lost and who defended an ideology that was out of date, was strengthened by the arrival of the aircraft carrier Karel Doorman from its distant homeland. So that's when things got really dangerous.
The Indonesian Army Chief of Staff sits in my delegation: His name is General Nasution. He was a professional soldier and an accomplished warrior. As is the case with the men he leads, and as is the case with the nation he defends, he is first of all a man of peace. But more than that, he and his men and my people are dedicated to defending our homeland.
We have tried to solve the West Irian problem. We have tried earnestly and with great patience and tolerance and hope. We have tried to hold bilateral negotiations. We have tried in earnest and many years. We have tried and keep trying. We have attempted to use the tools of the United Nations and the Power of world opinion stated here. We have tried and even in this case we are still trying.
Hope vanishes; patience is lost; even tolerance reaches its limits. All of that has now been exhausted and the Dutch have offered no alternative but to harden our stance. If they fail to judge correctly the flow of history, then we are not to be blamed. But the result of their failure was a threat to the peace and, once again, this also involved the United Nations.
West Irian is a colonial sword that is being threatened against Indonesia. This sword is aimed at our hearts, but besides that it also threatens world peace.
Our sincere efforts today to reach a settlement in our own way are part of our contribution towards ensuring world peace. This is part of our efforts to end this world's problems which are obsolete evils. Our endeavor is a genuine surgical attempt to remove the cancer of imperialism from the regions of the world where we live and are.
I say in all seriousness that the situation in West Irian is a dangerous situation, an explosive situation, a thing which is a cause of tension and a threat to peace. General Nasution is not responsible for that. Our army is not responsible for that. Sukarno was not responsible for that. Indonesia is not responsible for that. No! The threat to peace comes directly from the existence of imperialism and colonialism.
Remove the restraints on freedom and emancipation, and the threat to peace will disappear. Overthrow imperialism, and soon the world will become a cleaner place, a better place than a safer place.
I know that if I bring this up, many thoughts will turn to the situation in the Congo. Gentlemen, you may ask, isn't imperialism expelled from the Congo with the result that in that area there are now disputes and bloodshed? Not so! The regrettable situation in the Congo was directly caused by imperialism, and was not caused by the end of that imperialism. Imperialism seeks to maintain its position in the Congo; trying to be able to mutilate and paralyze the new country. That's why the Congo flared up.
Yes, in the Congo, there is suffering. But that suffering is the birth pain of progress and explosive progress always brings pain. Uprooting entrenched national and international interests always causes pain and shock.
We know it. We also know from our own experiences that development itself creates upheaval. A nation in turmoil
needs leadership and guidance, and will eventually produce its own leadership and guidance.
We Indonesians speak from bitter experiences. The Congo problem, which is a problem of colonialism and imperialism, must be resolved using the principles I have outlined earlier. Congo is a sovereign country. Sovereignty should be respected. Remember that the sovereignty of the Congo is no less than that of any nation represented in this Assembly, and this sovereignty must be respected equally.
There must be no interference in the internal affairs of the Congo and absolutely no assistance, open or hidden, to destroy this country.
Yes, indeed the nation will make mistakes, we all make mistakes and we all learn from mistakes. Yes, upheaval will arise, but even then let it continue, for this is a sign of rapid growth and development. To what extent the upheaval is a matter of the nation itself.
Let us, both individually and collectively, help there when we are asked by the legitimate government of the nation. However, any such assistance must be clearly based on the inviolable sovereignty of the Congo.
Finally, put your trust in the nation! They are going through a great trial and are suffering greatly. Place your trust in them as a newly independent nation, and they will find their own way towards their own solution of their own problems.
Here I would like to give a very serious warning. Many members of this organization and many officials of this organization may not be very aware of the actions of imperialism and colonialism.
They have never experienced it; they did not know his tenacity and his cruelty and his many faces, and his crimes.
We from Asia and Africa know him. I say to you gentlemen: Do not act as an ignorant instrument of imperialism. Don't act as the blind right hand of colonialism. If you act like this, then you will definitely kill this United Nations Organization, and in doing so you will kill the hope of countless millions of people and maybe you will cause tomorrow to die in the womb.
Before leaving these questions, I would like to also touch on another major issue of approximately the same nature. I mean Algeria. Here is a sad picture, where both sides are covered in blood and destroyed for lack of resolution. What a tragedy!
It is clear that the Algerian people want independence. It can no longer be denied. Had it not been so, the long and bitter and bloody struggle would have ended years ago. The thirst for independence and the determination to gain it were the main factors in this situation.
What has not yet been determined, however, is only how close and harmonious a future partnership with France should be. Very close and very harmonious cooperation will not be difficult to achieve, even at the present stage, although perhaps it will become more difficult to achieve it the more the struggle continues.
Therefore, hold a plebiscite under the auspices of the United Nations in Algeria to determine the will of the people as to how close and harmonious the relations should be. The plebiscite should not be about independence. That independence was determined by blood and tears and there will certainly be an independent Algeria.
A plebiscite such as I suggest, if held in a short time, will be the best guarantee that independent Algeria and France will have close and good cooperation for mutual benefit. Again I speak from experience. Indonesia previously had no intention of destroying close and harmonious relations with the Netherlands. It seems, however, that even today, like for generations before it, the nation's government adheres to a "give too little and ask too much." It was only when it became unbearable that the relationships were terminated.
Let me turn to the wider issue of war and peace in our world. What is certain is that the newly born and reborn nations are not a threat to world peace. We have no territorial ambitions; nor do we have unadjustable economic goals. Threats to peace do not come from us, but from those of the older, long-established and stable countries.
Oh, yes, in our countries there is agitation. In fact, the upheaval was ostensibly a function of the first term of independence. Is that any wonder? Try, let me take an example from American history. Within a generation must have experienced the War of Independence and the Civil War between the States. Later, in that generation, there must also be experienced the emergence of militant trade unions, - the period of the International Workers of the World (I.W.W.), "Wobblies". Must also be experienced migrating to the West. We also had to experience the Industrial Revolution and, yes, even the period of "certificate traders". People also have to suffer as a result á la Benedict Arnold. And as I have often said, we push many revolutions within one revolution and many generations within one generation.
So are you surprised, gentlemen, if there is upheaval in us? For us it is normal and we have become accustomed to riding the whirlwind. I fully understand that to outsiders this often looks like a picture of chaos and rioting and power struggles. After all the upheaval is our own business and does not pose a threat to anyone, although it often provides opportunities to interfere in our affairs.
However, the conflicting interests of the Great Powers is another matter: In this case the problems are clouded by threats with hydrogyne bombs and by the repetition of old, out of date slogans.
We cannot ignore them because they threaten us. After all; too often these problems appear as though they are not real. Frankly and without hesitation I would like to say to you gentlemen that we are placing our own future far above the strife in Europe.
Yes, we have learned a lot from Europe and America. We have studied the history of the gentlemen and the livelihood of the great men of the lord nation. We have followed the example of gentlemen, we have even tried to exceed gentlemen. We speak gentlemen's languages and read gentlemen's books. We have been inspired by Lincoln and Lenin, by Cromwell and Garibaldi. And we still have much to learn from gentlemen in many fields. But at present the fields that we have to learn more from gentlemen, are technical and scientific fields, and not ideologies or movements dictated by ideology.
In Asia and Africa today there are still living, still thinking, still acting, those who led their nations to independence, those who developed lofty and liberating economic theories, those who overthrew tyranny, those who united their nations and those who conquered division. his people.
Therefore and rightly, we from Asia-Africa approach each other for guidance and inspiration and we seek within ourselves the experience and wisdom that has accumulated in our peoples.
Do you not think that Asia and Africa may have a message and a way for the whole world?
It was the eminent British philosopher Bertrand Russell who once said that humanity is now divided into two groups. One adheres to the teachings of Thomas Jefferson's Declaration of American Independence. Another group adheres to the teachings of the Communist Manifesto.
Excuse me, Lord Russell, but I think you are forgetting something. I think you have forgotten that there are more than a thousand million people, Asian and African people, and perhaps also Latin American peoples, who do not adhere to the teachings of the Communist Manifesto or the Declaration of Independence. Remember, we admire both teachings, and we have learned much from them and we have been inspired, by them.
Who will not be inspired by the words and spirit of the Declaration of Independence! "We regard these truths as one thing, which cannot be denied: that human beings were created with equal rights, that they were granted by AI Chalik certain inviolable rights, and that among these rights there is the right to life, the right to liberty and the right to pursue happiness". Who is involved in the struggle for life and national independence; will not be inspired! And once again, which of us, who are struggling to uphold a just and prosperous society on the ruins of colonialism, will not be inspired by the vision of cooperation and economic development coined by Marx and Engels!
Now there has been a confrontation between the two views, and this confrontation is dangerous, not only for those who are dealing but also for the rest of the world.
I can't speak on behalf of other Asian and African countries ? I am not authorized to do so, and after all they themselves are capable of expressing their own views. But I am authorized? even assigned? to speak on behalf of my nation of ninety-two million.
Like I said; we have read and studied these two important documents: From each of them much has been taken and thrown away that is of no use to us, those of us who live on other continents and generations later. We have synthesized what we need from the two documents, and in terms of experience and from our own knowledge, we have filtered and adjusted the synthesis.
So, by apologizing to Lord Russell, whom I greatly respect, this world is not entirely divided in two as one might think.
Even though we have extracted the extract, and even though we have tried to synthesize these two important documents; we are not led by those two alone. We do not follow liberal conceptions or communist conceptions. What is the point? From our own experience and from our own history grew something else, something much more suitable, something much more suitable.
The flow of history clearly shows that all nations need a certain conception and aspiration. If they don't have it or if those conceptions and ideals become blurred and obsolete, then the nation is in danger. Our own history of Indonesia shows this clearly, and so does the history of the rest of the world.
"Something" that we call "Panca Sila". Yes, our "Panca Sila" or Five State Joints. The Five Joints do not directly stem from the Communist Manifesto or the Declaration of Independence. Indeed, those ideas and ideals, perhaps have been around for centuries and have been contained in the karni nation. And it is not surprising that these notions of great strength and manhood arose in our nation during the two thousand years of our civilization and during the centuries of national glory, before imperialism drowned us in a moment of national weakness.
So speaking of the Five Precepts in front of gentlemen, I present the essence of our civilization for two thousand years.
What are the Five Joints? It is very simple: the first is Belief in One Almighty God, the second is Nationalism, the third is Internationalism, the fourth is Democracy and the fifth is Social Justice,
Allow me now to describe briefly about the five points.
First: Belief in the One and Only God. My nation includes people who adhere to various religions. There are Muslims, there are Christians, there are Buddhists and there are those who do not adhere to any religion. Nonetheless for eighty-five percent of our ninety-two million people, the Indonesian nation consists of followers of Islam. Based on this fact, and bearing in mind the diversity but unity of our nation, we place Belief in the One and Only God as the most important in our philosophy of life. Even those who do not believe in God, because of their innate tolerance, admit that belief in the Almighty is a characteristic of their nation, so they accept this first Precept.
Then as number two is Nationalism. The searing power of nationalism and the desire for independence sustains our lives and gives us strength through the darkness of the old colonialism, and during the ferocity of the struggle for independence. Today that burning power is still burning in our chests and still giving us strength to live! But our nationalism is by no means Chauvinism. We never consider ourselves superior to other nations.
We also never try to impose our will on other nations. I know full well that the term "nationalism" is suspected, even distrusted in Western countries. This is because the West has raped and twisted nationalism. Yet true nationalism is still burning in Western countries. Otherwise, the West would not have challenged Hitler's aggressive chauvinism with weapons.
Isn't it nationalism? call it if you will, patriotism - sustaining the survival of all nations? Who dares to deny the nation, which gave birth to him? Who dares to turn away from the nation that made him? Nationalism is the great engine that drives and controls all our international activities; nationalism is the great source and great inspiration of independence.
Our nationalism in Asia and Africa is not the same as that found in the systems of Western countries. In the West, nationalism developed as an aggressive force seeking expansion and profit for its national economy. Nationalism in the West is the grandfather of imperialism, whose father is Capitalism. In Asia and Africa and I think also in Latin America, nationalism is a liberation movement, a protest movement against imperialism and colonialism, and a response to the chauvinist-nationalist oppression that originated in Europe. Asian and African nationalism and Latin American nationalism cannot be reviewed without regard to their social core.
In Indonesia we regard the social core as the driving force for achieving justice and prosperity. Isn't that a good goal that everyone can accept? I am not talking only about ourselves in Indonesia, not only about my brothers and sisters in Asia and Africa and Latin America. I'm talking about the whole world. A just and prosperous society can be everyone's ideals and goals.
Mahatma Gandhi once said: "I am a nationalist, but my nationalism is humanity". We also said so. We are nationalists, we love our nation and all nations. We are nationalists because we believe that nations are very important to the world today, and we still are, as far as the eye can see into the future. Because we are nationalists, we support and advocate nationalism wherever we find it.
Our third precept is Internationalism. Between Nationalism and Internationalism there is no dispute or conflict. It is true, that internationalism will not be able to grow and develop other than on the fertile soil of nationalism. Isn't the United Nations Organization a living proof of this? There used to be the League of Nations. Now there is the United Nations. The names themselves show that nations want and need an international body, where every nation has an equal position. Internationalism is by no means cosmopolitanism, which is a denial of nationalism, which is anti-national and indeed contrary to reality.
The fourth precept is Democracy. Democracy is not a monopoly or an invention of Western social order. More strictly, democracy appears to be genuine human justice, even if modified to suit specific social conditions.
During the thousands of years of Indonesian civilization, we have developed forms of Indonesian democracy. We believe that these forms have international affinities and meaning. This is a matter I will talk about later.
Finally, the last and most important Sila is Social Justice. In Social Justice, we link social prosperity, because we consider these two things inseparable. True, only a prosperous society can be a just society, although prosperity itself can reside in social injustice.
Such is our Five Precepts. Belief in One Almighty God, Nationalism, Internationalism, Democracy and Social Justice.
It is not my task today to describe how we strive, in our national life and affairs, to use and implement the Five Precepts. If I were to elaborate on this, it would undermine the hospitality of this international body.
However, I truly believe that Panca Sila contains much more than just a national meaning. Panca Sila has a universal meaning and can be used internationally.
No one will dispute the element of truth in the views put forward by Bertrand Russell. A large part of the world has been divided into those who accept the ideas and principles of the Declaration of American Independence and those who accept the ideas and principles of the Communist Manifesto. Those who accepted the ideas of one rejected the ideas of the other, and there were clashes on both ideological and practical grounds.
We are all threatened by this clash and we are worried because of this clash. Is there not something that can be taken against this threat? Does this have to go on for generations, with the possibility that it will eventually erupt into a sea of fire that will devour us all? Isn't there some way out?
There must be a way out. If not, then all our deliberations, all our hopes, all our struggles will be in vain.
We, the Indonesian people, are not prepared to stand on our knees, while the world is headed for its collapse. We do not want the bright dawn of our independence to be covered by a radioactive cloud. None of the nations of Asia or Africa would be willing to accept this. We bear a responsibility to the world, and we are ready to accept and fulfill that responsibility. If that means meddling in what were once the affairs of the Great Powers kept away from us, then we will be willing to do so. No nation of Asia or Africa will ever shirk this task.
Isn't it obvious that these clashes arise mainly because of inequality? Within a nation, there are rich and poor, and those who are exploited and those who exploit, cause clashes. Eliminate exploitation, and the conflict will disappear, because the cause that gave rise to the conflict is gone,
Between nations, if there are rich and poor, who exploit and are exploited, there will also be clashes. Eliminate the causes that give rise to clashes, and clashes will disappear. This applies, both internationally and within a nation. The elimination of imperialism and colonialism eliminates such exploitation from nation to nation.
I believe that there is a way out rather than the confrontation of these ideologies. I believe that the way out lies in the universal use of Panca Sila!
Which of you, gentlemen, rejects the Five Precepts? Do the honorable representatives of the great American Nation reject it? Did the honorable representatives of the great Russian nation reject him? Or the honorable representatives of England or Poland, or France or Czechoslovakia? Or are there indeed those among them who seem to have taken a static position in the Cold War between ideas and practices, and who are trying to stay as deeply rooted as possible while the world is in turmoil?
Look, look at the delegation supporting me! The delegation did not consist of civil servants or professional politicians. This delegation represents the Indonesian nation. In this delegation there are soldiers. They accept Panca Sila, there is a great Islamic scholar, who is the cornerstone of their religion. He accepted the Five Precepts. Next da leader of the strong Indonesian Communist Party. He accepted the Five Precepts. Then there were representatives from Catholic and Protestant groups, from the Nationalist Party and workers' and peasants' organizations, there were also women, intellectuals and government officials. Everyone accepts Panca Sila.
They do not accept Panca Sila merely as an ideological conception, but as a very practical guide to action. Those among my people who try to become leaders but reject the Five Precepts, are also rejected by the Indonesian people.
How is the international use of Panca Sila? How can the Five Precepts be practiced? Let us examine the five points one by one.
First: Belief in the One and Only God. No one who accepts the Declaration Of American Independence as a guide to life and action will deny it. Likewise, no follower of the Communist Manifesto, in this international forum, will deny the right and to believe in the Almighty. For further explanation on this matter, I invite you honored gentlemen to ask Mr. Aidit, chairman of the Indonesian Communist Party, who sits in my delegation who fully accepts both the Communist Manifesto and the Panca Sila.
Second: Nationalism. We are all representatives of nations. How will we be able to reject nationalism? If we reject nationalism, then we must reject our own nationality and reject the sacrifices that have been made by generations. However, I warn you gentlemen: if you accept the principle of nationalism, then you must reject imperialism. But to that warning I would like to add another warning: If you reject imperialism, you will automatically and immediately eliminate those in this world who are in trouble the biggest cause of tension and clashes.
Third: Internationalism. Is it necessary to talk at length about internationalism in this international body? Certainly not ! If our nations are not "internationally minded", then these nations will not become members of this organization. However, true internationalism is not always present here. I'm sorry to say that, but it's a fact. Too often the United Nations is used as a forum for narrow national or class goals. Too often the lofty goals and lofty ideals of our charter are clouded by the pursuit of national gain or national prestige. Genuine internationalism must be based on equality of honor,
equality of respect and on the basis of the practical use of the truth, that all people are brothers. To quote the charter of the United Nations - a document that people often forget - internationalism must "reaffirm the belief in . . . the basis of equal rights for . . . nations, both large and small".
Finally, and once again, internationalism will mean an end to imperialism and colonialism, and thus an end to many dangers and tensions.
Fourth: Democracy. For us Indonesians, democracy contains three main elements. Democracy contains first of all the principle that we call Consensus, namely: unanimity of opinion. Second, democracy contains the principle of representation.
Finally democracy contains, for us, the principle of deliberation. Yes, Indonesian democracy contains these three principles, namely: consensus, representation and deliberation between representatives.
Pay attention. This United Nations organization is an organization of equal nations, an organization of nations that are equal in sovereignty, equal in independence and equal in pride in sovereignty and independence. The only way for this organization to be able to carry out its functions satisfactorily, is by way of consensus obtained in deliberations. Deliberations must be carried out in such a way that there is no competition between conflicting opinions, no resolutions and counter-resolutions, no sides, but only a firm effort to find common ground in solving a problem. From this kind of deliberation arises a consensus, a unanimity of opinion, which is stronger than a resolution forced through a majority vote, a resolution which may not be accepted, or which may not be liked by the minority.
Am I speaking idealistically? Do I dream of an ideal and romantic world?
No ! My two feet firmly planted on the ground! It's true I looked up to the sky for inspiration but my mind wasn't in the clouds. I emphasize that methods of deliberation like this can be implemented. Those ways are workable for us. These methods can be run in D.P.R. us, those ways can be run in D.P.A. us, those methods can be implemented in our Cabinet.
This method of deliberation can be carried out, because the representatives of our nation wish that these methods can work. The Communists want it, the nationalists want it, the Islamic group wants it, and the Christian group wants it. The army wanted it, both the townspeople and the people in remote villages wanted it, the intellectuals wanted it and the people who were doing their best to eradicate illiteracy wanted it. Everyone wants it, because everyone wants it to achieve the clear goals of Panca Sila, and that clear goal is a just and prosperous society.
Gentlemen may say: "Yes, we will accept President Soekarno's words and we will accept the evidence that we saw in the composition of his delegation at the United Nations today, but we are realists in a cruel world. The only way to organize an international meeting is the way that is used in organizing the United Nations, namely by resolutions, amendments, majority and minority votes".
Let me emphasize something. We know from experience that is as bitter, as practical and as realistic, that our methods of deliberation can also be held in the international field. In that field these methods work just as well as in the national field.
As you know, not so long ago, representatives from twenty-nine nations from Asia and Africa gathered in Bandung. The leaders of the nations were not impractical daydream leaders. Far from it! They are tough and realistic leaders of the people and nations, most of them graduated from the struggle for national independence, all of them know the realities of life and leadership both politically and internationally.
They have different political views, from the extreme right to the extreme left.
Many people in western countries could not believe that such a conference could produce anything useful. Many people even thought that the conference would disband in a state of chaos and mutual accusations, divided over rocky political differences.
The Asian-African Conference was held by way of deliberation.
In that conference there was no majority and minority. Nor was a vote held. At the conference there was only deliberation and a general desire to reach an agreement. The conference produced a unanimous communiqué, a communiqué that is one of the most important in this windu or perhaps one of the most important documents in history.
Do you still have doubts about the usefulness and efficiency of this kind of deliberation?
I am sure that the sincere use of such consultative methods will make the work of this international organization easier. Yes, perhaps this way will enable the actual work of this organization. This way of deliberation will point the way to solving the many problems that have been piling up over the years. This mode of deliberation will enable seemingly insoluble problems to be resolved.
And I ask with respect, gentlemen, please remember that history treats those who fail without mercy.
Who today remembers those who toiled in the League of Nations? We only remember those who have destroyed an organization of countries from parts of the world. We are not willing to lean on our knees and watch this organization, our own organization, be destroyed because it is not flexible, or because we are slow to respond to the changing world conditions.
Isn't it worth a try? If you are of the opinion that no, then you must be prepared to be held accountable for your decisions before a historical court.
Finally, in Panca Sila contained Social Justice. To be implemented in the international field, perhaps this will become international social justice. Once again, accepting this principle would mean rejecting colonialism and imperialism.
Furthermore, the acceptance by the United Nations of social justice as an objective, will mean the acceptance of certain responsibilities and obligations.
This will mean a firm and united effort to put an end to many of the social evils that trouble our world. This would mean that aid to underdeveloped countries and less fortunate nations would be removed from the Cold War atmosphere. This would also mean the practical recognition that all people are brothers and that all have a responsibility towards their brothers and sisters.
Is this not a noble goal! Does anyone dare to deny the nobility and justice of this goal? If anyone dares to deny it, then have him face reality! Have him face the hungry, have him face the illiterate, have him face the sick and have him then justify his denial!
Allow me to once again repeat the five precepts. Belief in the one and only God; Nationalism; Internationalism; Democracy; Social justice.
Let's find out if these things are actually a synthesis that can be accepted by all of us. Let us ask ourselves whether the acceptance of these principles will provide a solution to the problems faced by this organization.
True, the United Nations does not only consist of the United Nations Charter. Nonetheless, this historic document remains the guiding star and inspiration of this organization.
In many ways the charter reflects the constellation of politics and powers from the time of its birth. In many ways the charter does not reflect current realities.
Therefore let us consider whether the five precepts that I have put forward, can strengthen and improve our charter.
I believe, yes, I believe with absolute certainty that the acceptance of these five principles and their inclusion in the charter will greatly strengthen the United Nations. I am sure that Panca Sila will place the United Nations on a par with the latest developments in the world. I am sure that the Panca Sila will enable the United Nations to face the next day with freshness and confidence. Finally, I believe that the acceptance of the Panca Sila as the basis of the charter will cause this charter to be accepted more sincerely by all members, both old and new.
I will raise one more question in this connection. It is a great honor for a country that the United Nations is based in its territory. We are all truly grateful that the United States of America has given our Organization a permanent home. However, it may be questioned whether it is indeed appropriate.
With all due respect, I suggest that he may not be right. That the position of the United Nations is in the territory of one of the leading countries in the Cold War, means that the Cold War has penetrated even to the work and administration and households of our Organization. So widespread was the penetration that the presence of the leader of a large nation at the United Nations
This nation alone has become a Cold War issue and a Cold War weapon, and a tool for sharpening that dangerous and futile way of life.
Let us see whether the seat of our Organization need not be moved from the atmosphere of the Cold War. Let us see whether Asia or Africa or Geneva will be able to provide us with a permanent place, far from the Cold War, not bound by any bloc and where the Delegates can move freely and freely as they please.
In this way, it is possible to gain a broader understanding of the world and its problems.
I am sure that an Asian or African country, given its faith and trust, will be happy to show its generosity to the United Nations, perhaps by providing a sufficiently large area, where the Organization itself will be sovereign and where the important negotiations for this vital work to be carried out safely and in an atmosphere of brotherhood.
The United Nations is no longer the body that signed the Charter fifteen years ago. This world is not the same as before. Those who with wisdom labored to produce this Organizational Charter, could not have foreseen the incarnation of its present form. Among these wise and far-sighted people, only a few are aware that the end of imperialism has appeared and that if this Organization is to continue to exist, then it must give the possibility for nations who are born again to enter in crowds, in droves. throngs and excited.
The aim of the United Nations should be to solve problems. To use it as a mere forum for debate, or as a channel for propaganda, or as a connection from domestic politics, is to distort the noble ideals that should permeate this body.
Colonial upheavals, the rapid development of undeveloped areas in the technical field, and the problem of disarmament, are all appropriate and urgent issues for us to consider and discuss. It has become clear, however, that these vital questions cannot be satisfactorily addressed by the present United Nations Organization. The history of this body reveals the sad and obvious truth of what I have said.
It is hardly surprising that this is how it turned out. The reality is that our Organization reflects the world of the Nineteen Forty-Fifth, and not the world today. So it is with all its bodies - except this one glorious Assembly - and with all its Institutions.
The organization and membership of the Security Council - the most important body - reflects the economic, military and power map of the world in the nineteen forty-fifth year, when this Organization was born from great inspiration and dreams. This is also the case with most of the other institutions. They do not reflect the rise of the Socialist countries nor the rapid development of Asian and African independence.
In order to modernize and make efficient our Organization, perhaps also the Secretariat under the leadership of its Secretary General, may need a review. With
saying that, I do not - in no way - criticize or reproach in any way the present Secretary General, who always tries, under unacceptable circumstances, to do his job properly, which at times seems impossible to carry out.
So how can they be efficient? How can members of both groups in the world - that is, groups which are a fact and which must be accepted - how can members of both groups feel at ease in this Organization and have the necessary full confidence in it.
Since the war we have witnessed three major, permanent symptoms.
The first is the rise of socialist countries. This was unexpected in the year Nineteen Forty-Fifth. The second is the big wave of national liberation and economic emancipation that hit Asia and Africa and our brothers and sisters in Latin America. I think that only we, who are directly involved in it, can predict it. The third is the great scientific progress, all of which operate in the field of arms and warfare, but which today shift into the realm of obstacles and the frontiers of outer space. Who can predict it at that time?
Yes, our Charter is subject to change. I realize, that there is a procedure for doing this and there will come a time when this can be done. However, this issue is urgent. This may be a matter of life or death for the United Nations. Don't let a narrow-minded legalistic view get in the way of getting this work done right away.
It is equally important that the distribution of seats in the Security Council and other bodies and institutions be changed. In this case I am not thinking in terms of blocks, but I am thinking about how very necessary the Charter of the United Nations, of the United Nations agencies and the United Nations Secretariat, all of which reflect the actual state of our world today. This.
We and Indonesia view this organization with great hope, but also with great concern. We look at it with great hope, because it has been useful to us in the struggle for our national life. We view it with great hope, because we believe that only such an organization can provide the framework for the healthy and safe world we long for.
We look at it with great concern, because we have presented a big national problem, the West Irian problem, before this Assembly, and no solution has been reached. We watched him with concern, for the Great Powers of the world had brought their dangerous Cold War games into their rooms.
We look at it, with apprehension, lest this Assembly will meet with failure and will follow in the footsteps of the organization it replaces, thereby obliterating from the eyes of mankind the image of a secure and united future.
Let us face the fact that this Organization, by the means in which it is used today and in its present form, is a product of the Western system. Forgive me, but I can't uphold that system. I couldn't even look at her with affection, even though I really appreciated her.
Imperialism and colonialism are the fruit of the Western state system, and I share feelings with the broad majority of this Organization. I hate imperialism, I loathe colonialism, and I fear the consequences of the last violent struggle for life. Twice in my own lifetime the Western system has torn itself apart and once almost destroyed the world in a violent clash.
Is it surprising, gentlemen, that many of us view the Organization, which is also the product of the Western system, with great questions? Do not, gentlemen, misunderstand. We respect and admire the system that has been inspired by the words of Lincoln and Lenin, by the deeds of Washington and by the deeds of Garibaldi. In fact, perhaps, we look with envy at some of the physical results achieved by the West. But we are determined that our nations, and the world as a whole, will not be a game of one small part of the world.
We are not trying to defend the world we know, we are trying to build a new, better world!
We strive to build a world that is healthy and safe. We are trying to build a world where everyone can live in peace. We strive to build a world, where there is justice and prosperity for all people. We seek to build a world, where humanity can attain its full glory.
It has been said that we live in the midst of a Revolution of Rising Hope. This is not true ! We live in the midst of the Rising Demands Revolution. Those who were previously without independence, are now demanding independence. Those who were once voiceless are now demanding that their voices be heard.
Those who used to be hungry, now demand rice, a lot and every day. Those who were previously illiterate now demand education.
The whole world is a great source of revolutionary energy, a great storehouse of revolutionary ammunition.
No less than three-quarters of humanity is involved in the Revolution of Rising Demands, and this is the Greatest Revolution since man for the first time walked upright in a pure and pleasant world.
The success or failure of this Organization will be judged by its relation to the Revolution of Rising Demands. Generations to come will either praise or curse us for our response to this challenge.
We dare not fail. We dare not turn our backs on history. If we dare, we really will not be helped anymore. My nation is determined not to fail. I don't speak to gentlemen because I am weak, I speak because I am strong. I convey to gentlemen in the ninety-two million people and I convey to gentlemen the demands of the nation. We have the opportunity to build a better world together, a safer world. This opportunity may not exist again. So hold on, hold on tight, and seize the opportunity.
No one of good will and personality will reject the hopes and beliefs that I have put forward on behalf of my nation, and
indeed in the name of all mankind. So let us try, right now without delay, to make those hopes come true.
As a practical step in this direction, it is my honor and duty to present a Draft Resolution to this General Assembly.
On behalf of the Delegations of Ghana, India, the United Arab Republic, Yugoslavia and Indonesia, I hereby submit the following resolution:
"GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
"FEEL EXTREMELY ANNOYED about the recent deterioration in international relations, which is threatening the world with dire consequences;
"RECOGNIZING the great hope of the world that this Assembly will assist in helping to pave the way towards easing world tensions;
"RECOGNIZING the grave and urgent responsibility which rests on the shoulders of the United Nations, to take the initiative in efforts that can help;
"Requests, as an urgent first step, that the President of the United States of America and the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Socialist Republics resume their contacts which have been interrupted recently, so that the willingness they have expressed to seek by negotiations a solution to the problem - suspended issues can be implemented progressively".
Mr. Chairman, allow me to request, on behalf of the Delegates of the five countries mentioned above, that this resolution will receive your prompt consideration. A letter with this intention, signed by the Heads of Delegations from Ghana, India, the United Arab Republic, Yugoslavia and Indonesia, has been submitted to the Secretariat.
I submit this Draft Resolution on behalf of the five Delegates and on behalf of the millions of people living in those countries.
Accepting this Resolution is a step that is possible and can be implemented immediately. So this General Assembly should accept this Resolution as soon as possible. Let us take this practical step towards a dangerous easing of world tensions. Let us accept this Resolution unanimously, so that all the pressures from world interests can be felt. Let us take this first step, and let us be determined to continue our activities and exhortations until the better and safer world we envision is achieved.
Remember what happened before. Remember the struggles and sacrifices experienced by us, the new members of this Organization. Remember that our endeavors have been caused and extended by the rejection of the foundations of the United Nations. We are determined that this will never happen again.
Build this world again! Build this world strong and strong and healthy! Build a world where all nations live in a world of peace and brotherhood. Build a world in accordance with the dreams and ideals of mankind. Cut off now from the past, for dawn is breaking. Disconnect now from the past, so that we can be responsible for the future.
I say a prayer that the Almighty should give Rahmat and Guidance to the deliberations of this Assembly.
Thank You!
Collection: National Library of Indonesia, 2006
===========================
Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana IX
Educational Background of Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwana IX
His secondary education at HBS Bandung
He had to drop two grades in Haarlem. He was not a special or brilliant student there. Even though some of his grades were quite good, Dorodjatun had to repeat in several subjects, especially up to two times in geometry and trigonometry.
Entered the Rijksuniversiteit Leiden college, now Leiden University. Dorodjatun majored in Indology, a study of colonial administration, ethnology, and literature in the Dutch East Indies.
Before he could finish his doctoral thesis, Dorodjatun and his relatives who were abroad were called by a family in Jogja to return to the Dutch East Indies after the German invasion of Poland in 1939. The thesis, which was almost finished, was brought to Java with him in manuscript form and never been collected. The manuscript was lost and only the title is known, namely "Political Contract between Sunan Solo and the Dutch Government". Until the end of his life, Hamengkubuwana IX had not received any degree from the university because he had not had time to attend his graduation ceremony (wikipedia)
Buk Renteng
Hearing his name may be foreign to the general public. But this is a building in Yogyakarta that functions as a water channel. It looks like a long winding bridge, but at the bottom it looks like a tunnel.
The word "thump" itself means bridge. While "Renteng" means holding hands. Indeed, at first glance, this building, whose position is higher than the main road, resembles a bridge, even though water is flowing above it.
This building with unique architecture will attract the attention of anyone passing by on the highway under this series of books. In one part there is a cavity that functions as a tunnel and is used as an access road.
Not only is the shape of the building unique, the building whose original name is the Van Der Wijck ditch has been designated as a cultural heritage. Well, you can see this Buk Renteng in Banyurejo Village, Kapanewon Tempel, Special Region of Yogyakarta.
Buk jointly built during the reign of Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono IX around the 1940s at the same time as the construction of the Mataram Ditch. According to history, the construction of the Van Der Wijck ditch, Buk Renteng to Mataram ditch was the Sultan's attempt to prevent the people from forced labour.
Sri Sultan HB IX conveyed to the Japanese leadership that the people be employed to make irrigation canals only in Yogyakarta. The goal is that the rice fields in Yogya can produce and can be sent to Japan.
It turned out that the idea was accepted by Japanese officials and from the construction project of the Van Der Wijck Ditch, Buk Renteng to Mataram Ditch, many Yogya people were ultimately saved from the atrocities of Japanese forced labour.
Buk Renteng, which is about 4 meters above the main road, is still functioning to supply water for 20,000 hectares of rice fields in the vicinity. (INDOZONE.ID)
According to Civil Engineering, the Buk Renteng building initiated by Sri Sultan HB IX is an irrigation gutter. My admiration for his educational background is Indology studies, administrative studies, ethnology, and literature. But can have a civil engineering midset (mindset is a set of thoughts that shape how to see the world and oneself)
(irrigation articles reviewed - In Indonesian https://www.apabagaimana.com/2021/10/p5.html)
===000===
It is this treasure that in the future makes my spiritual soul sharp .../Panggula wentah iki ingkang ing tembe njalari jiwa spirituale saya keasah...
Pangeran Diponegoro Karya Lukisan Basoeki Abdullah
Diponegoro War (Javanese War)
Part 1
Prince Diponegoro, born on Friday Wage, 11 November 1785 ..
He is the eldest son of Sinuwun HB III and his wife Ampil, Raden Ayu Mangkarawati (daughter of the Duke of Pacitan) ...
In the east, he was known as, Bendara Raden Mas Ontowiryo ...
Sultan HB I loved his great -grandson very much, and predicted that Diponegoro would attain greatness beyond his own ...
Bendara Raden Mas Ontowiryo, grew up in the royal environment, and received his Islamic education, such as Ngaji, and studied other Islam.
It is this treasure that in the future makes my spiritual soul sharp ...
He likes Khalwat (silence) in the mountains and caves on the left and right.
From the east, Raden Ontowiryo moved to Tegalrejo, because there was a massacre in the palace.
In addition, Raden Ontowiryo also could not live happily in the palace which is often called Andrawina the "Western" way which provided "liquor" ...
In Tegalrejo, Raden Ontowiryo was raised by his Grandmother, Ratu Ageng, the wife of Prameswari HB I.
Because sitting in the middle of my childhood, eventually grew to love our people, and freely study Islam there ...
Since living with his grandfather, Raden Ontowiryo came to the palace only twice a year, namely on Eid al -Fitr and Grebeg Maulid ...
After growing up, BRM Ontowiryo was given the title of Prince of Diponegoro ...
He is a highly respected man.
In addition to practicing Islam, he also liked the evil of Javanese mysticism.
Therefore, he prefers to meditate and go to the pesantren than to the palace ...
When Sultan HB III resigned, Prince Diponegoro was not elected as Sultan Ngayogya, because he was married to a concubine ...
The one chosen to sit on the throne is Prince Jarot, the son of Prameswari's wife who was 13 years old at the time ...
This decision was approved by the Dutch Government.
Finally, Prince Jarot ruled in Yogyakarta with the title of Sri Sultan HB IV.
After that, Prince Jarot ruled under the supervision of the royal court.
However, Sultan Anom did not live long ...
In 1822, he passed away and left a son who was 3 years old.
Because of that, Prince Diponegoro still hopes to replace his younger brother ...
However, the Dutch Gunermen did not agree.
For, in 1822, the Resident of the Netherlands, Baron de Salis even deposed Prince Gathot Menol who was still 3 years old as Sultan of Yogyakarta with the title, Sultan HB V ..
In addition, Prince Diponegoro, Prince Mangkubumi, and Ibu Suri (Wife of Prameswari HB IV) ended up as Guardians ...
The nobles are assigned to accompany the Sultan to rule the country until the Sultan matures and can rule himself ...
Of course, this makes Prince Diponegoro unhappy ...
Hence, he chose to retreat and get out of the royal environment ...
Diponegoro felt humiliated because he had to submit to the Dutch decision, and had to worship the young King ...
However, the rules and procedures of the palace must be so ...
Despite being a member of the trust, Prince Diponegoro is rarely involved in state affairs.
In fact, when he reported the problem to me, he did not get a satisfactory service ...
Eventually, Prince Diponegoro left the Board of Trustees, and never again followed the rules of government affairs.
Masio Prince Gathot Menol who became the ruler, but in fact, the royal government was held by Patih Danurejo ...
However, the duke was easily influenced and very submissive to the Gubermen.
This made Prince Diponegoro's mind not long that the royal culture was mixed with "outside" culture that was not related to Javanese culture and Islam which was his faith.
Diponegoro is a prince who obeys the teachings and laws of Islam.
He is also a scholar who likes to read books on history, literature, and religion ...
Part 2
Prince Diponegoro thought that if foreigners settled on the land owned by the palace by way of rent, it was the same as the fall of Java under foreign rule.
Therefore, Java must be captured by means of sabil war ...
Eventually, Prince Diponegoro relieved his mental illness with kholwat, and approached the Almighty in the caves ..
One of the caves that the Prince often used to sleep, is the Selarong Cave ...
Because we consider the rules of the Palace and the Government to be very harmful, therefore, we really hope that Prince Diponegoro can be saved from the actions of the deck siya ...
The followers of the Prince believe, if Prince Diponegoro has received a Revelation from God the Creator of the Universe ..
In fact, we have assumed that the Prince is the candidate for the Queen of Justice who has been waiting for his arrival ...
Diponegoro not only hated the Dutch and the Chinese, but also the royal officials who were allied with the Dutch and often corrupted their morals.
Diponegoro thinks that the people have been infected with the "Western" culture, so that their morals have deteriorated ...
Even so, Diponegoro did not really hate the Chinese.
He just hated the Dutch who often interfered in the affairs of the palace.
There was even a Chinese man who supported the Prince's struggle by giving Turangga Cemani who was given the Kyai Gentayu Mark ...
It was Turangga who was his partner in driving out the invaders.
Part 3
At that time Prince Diponegoro heard the news that the Dutch Government was going to build a road as one of the modernization of Java ..
Initially, the government ordered the construction of a road that would connect the cities of Yogyakarta and Magelang via Muntilan.
However, in mid -May 1825, the Dutch changed their route, and took the route through Tegalrejo ...
The road will also pass through the villages on the left and right of Tegalrejo ...
Without any notice, the Government then installed road blocks and evicted parts of the houses that will be used for the road project ...
In fact, the road will also pass the tomb of the ancestors of Prince Diponegoro ..
This is what makes the heart of God pure.
So Prince Diponegoro then sent a letter of protest to the Resident's office ...
However, the protest was not carried out by Patih Danurejo and the Resident of the Netherlands, AH. Smissaert ...
Although the pepiling has been prepared by the community, but the Government has not stopped ...
Prince Diponegoro feels this action is a form of challenge for him ...
Our men got up at the back of Diponegoro, and stuck their spears on the ground as a form of annoyance ...
After that, Diponegoro ordered his officers to remove the stakes ...
Knowing this, Resident Smissaert then called Diponegoro to his office.
But Diponegoro is not the leader of the Resident ...
The Dutch and Patih Danurejo then sent Prince Mangkubumi, our sentana who is still revered and revered by Prince Diponegoro, to speak to Diponegoro ...
But after talking to Diponegoro, Prince Mangkubumi even united with Diponegoro ...
Mangkubumi was also not long when the graves of his relatives were disturbed, and encouraged his nephew's actions ...
When Prince Mangkubumi was about to appear before the Resident, Diponegoro warned the Dutch to expel Patih Danurejo IV who was considered detrimental to our nation ...
When Mangkubumi negotiated with the Dutch, Mangkubumi still did not allow the project to penetrate the cemetery which is considered sacred by the people and family of Diponegoro ...
But Resident Smissaert remained reluctant to move.
Therefore, the Government will pay a higher price if it has to change routes.
The Dutch also rejected Diponegoro's request to dismiss Patih Danurejo IV, and even defended the Sultan's "High Official".
The Dutch believe that Danurejo has made a significant contribution to the interests of the Government.
Peace efforts are still underway, but Prince Diponegoro did not hesitate to lead the Dutch Resident ...
In fact Prince Mangkubumi also did not report the duties assigned to the Resident.
This is considered a rebellion of Mangkubumi and Diponegoro ...
Hence the Assistant Resident of Yogyakarta, Chevallier was sent to a "dispute area" to bring soldiers to escort the prince when the chlorine ...
When the Dutch soldiers arrived in Tegalrejo, hundreds of us were ready to stand with sharp weapons.
In addition, residents also set up road blocks and stopped workers who were working.
In the end, the war could not be a war between us and the Dutch Resident soldiers.
We are all united in Prince Diponegoro, and promise war to the Netherlands ...
So on June 19, 1825, Diponegoro actually attacked the Dutch East Indies Government by taking up arms ...
The war began with the killing of a Dutch lieutenant in the event of clearing a road block ...
At that time, Diponegoro hoisted the flag of Gula Klapa (Red and White) which has not been included since Jayakatwang in 1292 until the time of Sultan Agung ...
Part 4
On July 20, 1825, Dutch cannons and rifles exploded, retaliated by spears and swords from Diponegoro's followers in Tegalrejo ...
Hence, the war of independence that wanted to escape from the Dutch rule and the desire to establish a new independent state and society, has begun ...
Eventually, Dutch soldiers and Danurejo IV began to besiege Tegalrejo ...
The Dutch have a reason to arrest the prince of Diponegoro who is considered a prisoner of the Dutch East Indies Government.
Seeing the dangerous behavior of the villagers, Prince Diponegoro told his followers to flee to the west, namely to the village of Dekso, Kulonprogo ..
The war broke out.
The news of Prince Diponegoro's death received support from anyone who felt overwhelmed by the Dutch.
Therefore, all Javanese people from Piyayi, Kuli, workers, merchants, farmers, scholars, teachers, united in supporting the struggle of Prince Diponegoro ...
With the message "Sak Dumuk Bathuk Senyari Bumi, Di Tohi Tekan Pati", our people united to drive out the invaders ...
On July 29, 1825, Resident Smissaert sent Chevallier to lead a combined army (the Dutch and the followers of Patih Danurejo IV) to invade Tegalrejo.
So, Tegalrejo turned into a red coral ...
However, Diponegoro, Mangkubumi and their entourage have left ...
Chevallier continues to attack Tegalrejo ..
In the end, Chevallier managed to capture Tegalrejo.
However, Prince Diponegoro and Mangkubumi managed to escape the fury of the Dutch ...
Due to the huge gap without work, Chevallier set fire to the entire village, including the Diponegaran house and dozens of houses on the left and right of the Diponegaran house.
From a distance, Diponegoro above Turangga Cemani white striped legs, Prince Mangkubumi and his followers watched the burning with a sad heart ...
Later, Selarong cave became the base of Diponegoro's defense.
Selarong Cave is a place to devise forces and tactics to avenge the Dutch arbitrariness ...
Part 5
News of the Dutch invasion of Tegalrejo spread throughout Yogyakarta and Surakarta.
Many of us without being "commanded" to Selarong to follow the struggle of the Prince ...
Support for Diponegoro comes from everywhere.
In fact, the princes of the palace of Yogyakarta also follow the line of Diponegoro ...
The princes of this kingdom were among the sons of HB I, II, and III who were all 23, and the sons of the time who numbered 54 ...
The son of Sultan Sepuh (HB II) named Prince Puger, is the General Adviser and took care of the affairs of the "Household" of the Diponegoro family ...
Meanwhile, Prince Bei (Ngabehi Joyokusumo), the Grand Senopati is the organizer of war tactics with the rank of "Generalissimus" ...
Among the Piyayi of the palace, there was a young senopati, Sentot Prawirodirjo (Alibasah), son of Raden Ronggo Prawirodirjo III ..
Like Rama, Sentot is a soldier who is feared by his opponents ...
Sentot, one of Diponegoro's senopati who is known as a war tactician ...
When Prince Diponegoro ended the war, Sentot Prawirodirjo was still 16 years old ...
Ulama Bayat and troops led by Kyai Mojo and Tumenggung Prawirodigdoyo from Surakarta, also supported the struggle of Prince Diponegoro ..
Kyai Mojo, one of the Islamic scholars, is known as a "Spiritual Leader" and Religious Advisor, as well as a "War Inspector" in the Diponegoro War ...
Kyai Mojo is from Mojo village, north of Surakarta.
He has an amazing toughness and toughness ...
War propaganda against the occupiers spread everywhere ...
In Yogyakarta, Jayanegara recently wrote a circular letter to invite all the people of Mataram to support the struggle of Prince Diponegoro and Mangkubumi to expel the Dutch invaders ..
Outside of Yogyakarta, such as Banyumas and around the left, the call for "Jihad fi Sabililiah" was chanted by Kyai Kasan Besari from Kedu ...
This invitation was received by our people with magita-gita ...
Unexpectedly, the support also came from Sinuwun Pakubuwono VI secretly ..
You told Prince Diponegoro and his troops to follow the strategy of the "Dhedemitan" War alias "Gebang Ancat Nrabas Geblas", which is to attack suddenly and then disappear into the woods, caves, mountains, and the darkness of night ...
Apparently, this tactic terrified the Dutch army.
Therefore, he said that in the early years, the Diponegoro army always achieved victory ...
The great victory achieved by the Diponegoro troops, took place in the village of Pisangan, on the border of Muntilan and Yogyakarta, led by Tumenggung Mulyo Sentiko ...
By force, Diponegoro's troops intercepted a convoy of 120 Dutch troops.
Laskar Diponegoro successfully defeated the enemy, and confiscated 50,000 guilders, and weapons belonging to Dutch soldiers ...
On August 6, 1825, Diponegoro troops and senopati, successfully destroyed the Dutch headquarters in Purwodadi and Pacitan ...
These victories, successfully boosted the spirit of the soldiers and me, to fight the Dutch invaders ...
So, this war spread to Banyumas, Pekalongan, Semarang, Rembang, to Madiun ...
Part 6
Governor General Van der Capellen was shocked to death to hear the news of Prince Diponegoro's death ...
Because, Resident Smissaert always reported that the situation in Vorstenlanden during the chlorine was peaceful.
But the fact is, the terrible unrest has spread far and wide outside the region, and even around the island of Java.
Thus, the Dutch called this War the Javanese War or De Java Oorloog ....
However, the Dutch were not enough to face the Diponegoro army.
Because, more than half of them are facing the war of the Padri in West Sumatra, and calming down Sultan Hasanuddin in Sulawesi ...
At that time, Van der Capellen was ready to return to the Netherlands, because his stay was coming to an end ...
However, due to this situation, he was forced to resign, and asked for a "extension" of another half year.
He didn't want his image to be tarnished in the Netherland ...
Later, the Governor -General sent Lieutenant General Hendrick Marcus de Kock to handle this battle ...
On the other hand, Prince Diponegoro, Mangkubumi, Kyai Mojo and Sentot Prawirodirjo, I persist in spreading resistance ...
Diponegoro knew that the Dutch were short of numbers, and the war was about to approach the Ngayogya kingdom ...
Knowing this situation, De Kock then confirmed his defense in Yogyakarta ...
But in Logorok, North Ngayogya region, 200 Dutch soldiers, including the Commander, Captain Kumsius, were killed by the Diponegoro army led by Mulya Sentiko ...
In addition, the Dutch soldiers guarding the defenses at Fort Vredenburg, as well as only 200 people ...
To show his commitment to the Netherlands, Sunan Pakubuwono VI sent soldiers to Surakarta.
Meanwhile, Mangkunegaran also sent the Mangkunegaran Legion to De Kock ...
In fact, this Dutch General also received the help of Sultan Paku Nataningrat from Sumenep by sending Madurese soldiers led by Prince Suryadiningrat.
Eventually, the lack of troops, has been sufficient ...
De Kock also successfully protected Sultan HB V and sentana from rebel threats.
Sultan HB V was "safe" inside Vredenburg Fortress.
In this way, De Kock reduces the “involvement” of the royal family ...
De Kock also managed to expel the Diponegoro army, out of the palace area for some ...
Because the Sultanate had lost its authority, the Government of the Dutch East Indies, asked the Sultan Sepuh (HB II) who had been Naledra Ngayogya, to sit on the throne, and rise to rule in Yogyakarta again.
Sultan Sepuh agreed to the Dutch request.
Meanwhile, to face Diponegoro, the Dutch East Indies was forced to attract soldiers who were facing the Padri in West Sumatra ...
Occasionally, the parties around the chlorine refer to the "Ceasefire)
Part 7
The support of Prince Diponegoro's struggle, not only from our people and ordinary Piyayi ..
But unexpectedly, Kanjeng Susuhunan Pakubuwono VI, also gave help ...
Nalendra in Surakarta, who is also known by the title of Sinuwun Bangun Tapa, has a lot to offer in Diponegoro ...
Due to an agreement with the Government of the Dutch East Indies, Sinuwun did not show his support ...
However, Sinuwun always donates in the form of funds and weapons ...
Prince Diponegoro also sneaked into the Surakarta palace to discuss the attitude of Mangkunegaran and Madura ...
However, when the Dutch came to the palace, Sinuwun and Diponegoro pretended to quarrel and "attack each other" ...
Reportedly, the last train of Prince Diponegoro, was immediately hidden in the palace environment by the command of Sinuwun ...
Thus, we ask PB VI to do two things ...
In addition to supporting the struggle of Diponegoro, he also sent soldiers to help the Dutch.
Raden Ngabei Ronggowarsito, also followed the line of soldiers in this "drama" ...
In other areas, such as Demak, Pekalongan, Banten, Banyumas, Ledok, Kedu, and Brang Wetan, the Diponegoro envoys managed to win the spirit of our people.
Thanks to the services of the envoys, about 35,000 people from Purbalingga, united to descend Kedu and succeed in capturing Parakan and Magelang ...
Faced with this, the Dutch soldiers who united in Magelang, attacked the rebels in the vicinity of Kedu which connects the Fortress in Bawen to Parakan ...
This Dutch soldier, received help from the Chinese who joined the ranks of "Yong Sekar" from the Mangkunegaran Legion, and also from the soldiers of the Regents who were loyal to the Dutch, namely Raden Tumenggung Danuningrat Regent of Magelang, Raden Tumenggung Aryo Sumodilogo Regent of Menoreh (Temanggung) , Tumenggung Mangunsentiko, Tumenggung Wiroyudo, and Tumenggung Mertodiwiro
Part 8
On July 27, 1825, Diponegoro's soldiers, who wanted to capture the city of Magelang, reached Tidar mountain.
However, the attack was unsuccessful, so the raid was moved to the Menoreh area.
Soon after, in the end of August 1825, the Diponegoro army succeeded in capturing Cempaka, Telahap, Parakan, and Propak...
In this battle, the Regent of Menoreh, Arya Sumodilogo, met the...
On August 31, 1825, the soldiers led by Prince Abubakar and Prince Adikusumo, wanted to capture Magelang..
In the battle in the area of Sadegan and Pucang, the officers of Landa and the Regent of Magelang, Danuningrat, who helped the Dutch in the Kedu Kidul region, were killed by Diponegoro soldiers...
After that, in order to keep the army of Diponegoro moving, De Kock built Forts on the Jengking River, Borobudur, Magelang, and Tempel...
So, on December 1, 1826, Pangeran Mangkudiningrat (Mangkuwijoyo), the son of Sultan Sepuh, was arrested by the Dutch in Plendingan...
Then, at the beginning of January 1827, Diponegoro led the struggle and defeated 8,000 soldiers at Mount Tawon.
These soldiers attacked the Trayem Fort, thus breaking out the War for hundreds of years around the Progo and Bogowonto Rivers...
I am Pajang, who is looked after by Prince Rapat Notoprojo, sometimes Prince Mangkudiningrat..
However, he also joined the Dutch when they wanted to attack the Bagelen and Kedu areas.
Upon hearing that defeat, Prince Diponegoro was angry...
Then, Diponegoro avenged that defeat by conquering the area of Gunung Tawang...
However, on January 19, 1827, Prince Surya Mataram and Prince Prangwedono surrendered to Landa...
The war in the areas of Banyumas, Pekalongan, Ledok, and Jabrangkah led by Imam Musba and Mas Lurah, caused the speed of the Dutch East Indies government to be disrupted...
The relationship between the Netherlands and Cirebon is strengthened in the Tegal region up to Pekalongan..
Because, this area is still under the control of Diponegoro's followers
Part 9
In this War, the Dutch East Indies received support from the Chinese who were forced to become soldiers, from Semarang, Bogor, and Magelang.
Similarly, Prince Diponegoro also got help from the Prince of Serang and the Regent of Serang, Sukowati.
Prince Serang is sometimes the brother-in-law of Prince Mangkudiningrat, or the son-in-law of Sultan Sepuh.
One of the wives of Pangeran Serang, there is still a Trah Sunan Kalijogo, who was given the title, Nyi Ageng Serang....
Nyi Ageng Serang, whose real name is RA Kustiyah Wulaningsih Retno Edi, is the youngest son of Serang Regent, Panembahan Notoprojo...
Although Piyayi's son, Nyi Ageng Serang is very close to me since she was still in the east..
Nyi Ageng Serang's spirit of struggle is fierce to defend our people...
In addition, he died defending Prince Mangkubumi (HB I) against PB II who was helped by Landa, and also showed his spirit to fight against Landa...
In addition to being a wife, she is also one of the most beloved female soldiers...
Therefore, he is also known as "Djayeng Sekar"...
In the Ngayogya Palace, the name Djayeng Sekar and Langen Kusuma is the name of the Female Warrior Corps formed by Sultan HB I, whose members are female swordsmen with arrows and spears (Infantry), and also Turangga soldiers (Cavalry)...
Therefore, Nyi Ageng Serang was asked by Prince Diponegoro to lead the Gula Klapa army for the South East Central Java region...
Nyi Ageng Serang later became one of Prince Diponegoro's mainstay Senopati..
He and the "Shield Warrior" have the ability to attack quickly...
Let's make the enemy dark and ugly...
However, he also fell in mid-air, and was buried in Mount Trajumas, Kalibawang, Kulonprogo
Part 10
After Prince Notoprojo of Ngayogya gave assistance to Prince Diponegoro, Semarang could be prepared to attack the Purwodadi area...
So, on August 28, 1827, Purwodadi was captured by Pangeran Serang who was also helped by the Regent of Gagatan.
After that, the rebellion spread to Kudus, Demak, Wirosari, Grobogan, and Semarang.
But it turns out, the Dutch want to keep Semarang.
After receiving additional soldiers from Surabaya, Sumenep, and Solo, Landa faced the Diponegoro army led by General Van Geen...
In this battle, the Regent of Gagatan was captured, then held in Surakarta...
The former Regent of Semarang, Adipati Suroadimenggolo, was arrested because his son Raden Sukur supported Diponegoro...
Besides that, Bupati Serang is still chasing Van Geen....
15 September 1827, Van Geen attacked Demak..
In this battle, the Regent of Serang was able to escape from Landa's control even though his house was burned in Landa's fire.
Then, he united with Arya Kertodirjo, Senopati of Diponegoro soldiers in Madiun region...
Meanwhile, Prince Basah Sastrodilogo, led the struggle in Rembang and Bojonegoro...
He kidnapped his soldiers in Rajegwesi, Bojonegoro...
At that time, Sastrodilogo was one of the Tumenggung and Senopati of the Sultan's Warriors in Yogyakarta...
However, when Sultan Sepuh came to power for the third time, Sastrodilogo went back to Rembang, and carried out the order of Prince Diponegoro to put down the rebellion there...
November 28, 1827, Basah Sastrodilogo succeeded in capturing Rajegwesi, Ngawi, Rembang, and Tuban...
After the Dutch built Forts in Tuban, Bancar, Pluntaran, Blora, and Pamotan, the Dutch army managed to push back the Sastrodilogo army
Part 11
Because Diponegoro soldiers often attack suddenly, like Raden Mas Said or Pangeran Samber Nyawa, so since April 1826, General De Kock led the "Rebellion Suppression Operation" directly.
In order to prevent the growth of chaos in the area due to the behavior of the rebels, he built small forts that were made to "interconnect" between districts...
In some of these, Surakarta was used as a base for Dutch soldiers to go to Yogyakarta.
After that, De Kock led the soldiers between the Forts, and patrolled regularly...
On the other hand, De Kock also spread my secret to sneak into my midst so that he can find out where Diponegoro is...
General Van Geen has even managed to capture Demak, which was under the control of Diponegoro's army.
Meanwhile, Lieutenant Colonel Chosius, De Kock's superior, proposed a way to capture Diponegoro, which is to use the Sayembara method for our people.
The Government of the Dutch East Indies will give a reward of 20,000 real to anyone who can capture the prince of Diponegoro...
However, the competition is not over.
Because our people are supporting the struggle of Prince Diponegoro..
Since the Great War can no longer be stopped..
Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery soldiers are in the suntakKe..
The battlefield also grew in rural areas and cities throughout Java.
The Senopati also use the natural conditions as a basis to formulate War tactics
The soldiers often attack during heavy rains..
Because, the tropical rain succeeded in slowing down the actions of the Dutch soldiers..
In addition, plagues like Malaria, Dysentery, and others, are also "invisible enemies" that cause physical weakness, and mental weakness, even leading to death...
Therefore, at that time, the Dutch East Indies Government invited to the negotiating table....
Part 12
When a "ceasefire" is agreed upon, Landa will reorganize its forces
Meanwhile, Landa also spread ribbons and "provocateurs" in the villages and cities to stir up anger, divide, and pressure the families of the Princes and Senopati who follow Diponegoro.
Even so, there were no indigenous soldiers who fought against the Dutch
At the height of the war, the Dutch East Indies sent 23,000 soldiers
This has never been done in Landa, considering that the area of Central Java and East Java is not a large area
Therefore, from the point of view of the warrior (military), this war uses all modern methods of warfare, whether it is the method of fighting (open war), or fighting (guerrilla), which is carried out with the strategy of attacking, sneaking, and lying in wait...
The strategy is no longer a tribal war, but a modern war that uses a variety of methods, such as the war of nerves with "pressure, provocation for anyone who speaks directly to the party...
On the other hand, whether Landa or Diponegoro also installed Telik Sandi (intelligence) to find the weaknesses, and the strength of the opponent.
The battle broke out again in Mataram...
Diponegoro also succeeded in capturing Imogiri and Pleret, followed by Delanggu, Lengkong, and Kasuran...
In that case, the Surakarta Palace, Pakualaman, and Mangkunegaran were on the Dutch side...
The Surorejo Tumenggung Army succeeded in chasing the Mangkunegaran Legion..
Diponegoro also managed to capture the Dutch headquarters in Prambanan, and managed to seize the Dutch cannons...
The Dutch defense in Madiun was also crushed by Prince Serang and Prince Syukur...
In Dekso, Sentot Prawirodirjo succeeded in killing almost all the Dutch soldiers..
However, General Van Geen, Colonel Cochius, Prince Murdoningrat, and Prince Panular managed to escape from Sentot's attack....
Soon, Prince Murdoningrat, Prince Panular, and Lieutenant Habert returned to attack Diponegoro's soldiers...
In this battle, Lieutenant Habert died at the hands of Prince Diponegoro.
The soldiers of Surakarta who fought against Diponegoro, also fought in Delanggu...
Gowok Fort guarded by Colonel Le Baron, was also successfully captured...
But in this battle, Prince Diponegoro was shot in the chest and slapped...
At that time, Diponegoro ordered Sentot to withdraw...
Because, according to Prince Diponegoro, the purpose of this war is to fight the Landa, not the Javanese...
However, just one step away, the Surakarta palace can be captured
Part 13
De Kock's defeat made me even more determined.
De Kock asked the Central Government for additional budget...
The plan is that the funds will be used to build the Stelsel Fort that can prevent the movement of the Diponegoro army in the areas that have been captured by the Dutch...
Hopefully, this method can persuade Diponegoro to be willing to negotiate...
At the beginning of the war, the strategy applied by the Dutch was to chase Diponegoro.
But this is the loss of the Netherlands.
Therefore, in November 1826, the Dutch infiltrated Kyai Sentono as a leader in Diponegoro's army...
Based on Kyai Sentono's report, Landa then changed tactics...
Landa no longer chases Diponegoro, but uses siege tactics...
Therefore, the Dutch built the Fort and defense posts or the so-called Stelsel Fort.
Then, in the Mataram region, like in Bantul, Paluwatu, Pasargede, Jatinom, and Delanggu, strong Dutch fortresses grew...
In fact, about 165 forts were built by Landa to besiege Diponegoro soldiers...
On the other hand, there are many Regents who help Landa..
Of course, this makes it difficult for Diponegoro soldiers to "communicate"...
Therefore, Diponegoro's resistance became easy to curb...
In fact, Bulkiyo's soldiers faced difficult times...
In the middle of that difficult time, Diponegoro gathered the Elders and Elders to take over the very unpleasant situation...
"Meeting" held at Bagelen Hostel..
Senopati agreed, the resistance will continue until independence is achieved in Java...
As a result, many soldiers became...
Finally, Pangeran Kusumowijoyo or Pangeran Serang who ignited the resistance in Surakarta palace, died in the breast...
Until his wife, Nyi Ageng Serang also died in Dekso, Kulonprogo...
Not long after, Tumenggung Prawodigdoyo from Gagatan also fell in space...
He died when the soldiers faced the Dutch army which was numerous with guns and cannons.
Stelsel Fort strategy caused the soldiers of Diponegoro to be overwhelmed...
On March 27, 1828, Dipokusumo, the son of Diponegoro, surrendered to Susuhunan Surakarta...
Then, on July 21, 1828, Prince Notoprojo surrendered to Landa who was led by Colonel Cleerens during the Pleret War.
Meanwhile, another son of Diponegoro and Sentot Prawirodirjo, the title of the battle on the other side of the river Bogowonto..
From September 30 to October 1, 1828, he reached the Rejasa area near Wunut Fort.
Sentot and Diponegoro's sons attacked Landa led by Major Bsckhens..
However, the attack was unsuccessful and retreated until reaching Kroya, Cilacap...
Major Busckhens continues to chase Diponegoro soldiers...
In Kroya, war broke out again..
In the end, Putra Diponegoro managed to beat back Landa, and managed to capture Landa's weapons in the form of 400 guns and several cannons.
Part 14
Prince Basah Sastrodilogo went back to Ngayogya and visited Prince Diponegoro...
However, a young man named Raden Bagus was arrested by the Regent of Kertosono who was on the side of Landa...
So, on October 3, 1828, Sastrodilogo was forced to surrender in order to preserve the salvation of his brother...
On October 10, 1828, the parties agreed to a negotiation...
This negotiation was held in Gamping, west of the city of Ngayogya...
The Dutch side was represented by Colonel Roeps, and the Diponegoro side was represented by Tumenggung Mangun Prawiro.
However, this negotiation is futile without work.
Therefore, Diponegoro was dragged by Prince Ngabehi, and his army went to the Jamus area, the border of Kedu...
Then, Prince Mangkubumi took the Diponegoro family and relatives to the mountains of Tranggeneng...
Some of these, Diponegoro's sons continued to fight in Cengkowo, on the banks of the Bogowonto river...
The sons of Diponegoro, then took the army that was in Bagelen to Rembang, Madiun, Kediri, to Mancanagara region (Bang Wetan region)...
However, while resting in the area of Pangasi and Sambiroto, this army was surrounded.
Because, the Dutch have built Forts in the area between Minggir, Kemloko, Grobyak, Bligo, Minggiran, Bantul, Brosot, and Kwarasan.
Fortunately, the Sentot soldiers who had returned from Pengasi united with the Diponegoro soldiers.
So, this army managed to escape from Landa's trap...
On October 31, 1828, in the Pajang area, Kyai Mojo held negotiations with the Landa clan who controlled the Mlangi area represented by Prince Wironegoro...
The Dutch asked for a "ceasefire" with the Diponegoro army...
But this negotiation did not yield anything..
Therefore, on November 11, 1828, Kyai Mojo was captured by the Dutch in Bancer, Kemloko..
At that time, Kyai Mojo who was the leader of the Diponegoro army, surrendered to Landa..
This thing must have made Prince Diponegoro and his soldiers happy...
However, Diponegoro remained steadfast, and did not want to surrender to Landa, and continued to fight
Part 15
Prince Diponegoro also received help from Mancanagara (Bang Wetan), such as Regent Ngawi, Arya Wirotani, Prince Mangunprawiro, son of Regent Purwodadi, and Prince Mangunegoro, son of Regent Madiun...
Some of them, the army led by Wirotani, managed to control Ngawi, so the Solo road to Surabaya was closed, and the Bengawan Solo and Madiun cruises were also closed...
From October 9 to November 5, 1828, Dutch troops gathered and invaded the Padangan area, so Ngawi was captured by the Dutch...
Then, Diponegoro sent Tumenggung Amat Aris to Ngawi to help Mangunegoro...
The Diponegoro Army also received help from me in the area of Gunung Wilis and Gunung Lawu...
The soldiers then walked towards the battle area on the side of Mount Merapi...
On the occasion of November 17, 1828, on the banks of Merapi, yellow and red and white flags were raised.
This means that Prince Diponegoro has healed from his "wounds"...
Meanwhile, the Dutch also sent soldiers from Ambon, Manado, and Sumenep.
Landa also received support from Pakualaman and the Mangkunegaran Legion.
The island of Java was then divided into many regions, and each region was guarded by the Dutch government army...
In Yogyakarta, Landa succeeded in influencing Prince Notodiningrat, so he, his wife, mother, and 200 followers surrendered to Landa..
This made General De Kock more eager to approach the commanders of the Diponegoro army.
In fact, Landa promised Prince Diponegoro a lot of rank, position, and burden if he would stop the war and support the Dutch East Indies Government...
On December 20, 1828, the Diponegoro army attacked the Nanggulan Fort.
In the middle of space, Captain Van Ingen reached the ground...
However, the Diponegoro team lost to Senopati in the match...
Prince Prangwedono fell to become the king of the nation
Part 16
The news of the destruction of the Nanggulan Fort made General De Kock angry with Sentot Prawirodirjo.
De Kock imagines Senopati Sentot as a ghost that makes him unable to...
Therefore, De Kock continued to try various ways to get Senopati Sentot to surrender.
However, Senopati Anom refused the persuasion of the Dutch...
Because it was not successful, De Kock launched an appeal to Prince Arya Prawirodiningrat, the son of the Regent of Madiun to surrender...
Prawirodiningrat then surrendered..
Because, if he doesn't want to, salvation is sometimes at stake...
Diponegoro knows if Landa is now using a new strategy, which is to line up indigenous soldiers in the front row...
This was done by Landa because Landa knew that Diponegoro would not be mentally prepared to kill the indigenous people.
But this strategy is also useful for Diponegoro..
Because, the indigenous soldiers feel that they are attached to the person of Prince Diponegoro...
When Diponegoro was in the front row, he immediately accused his identity..
Enemy soldiers who are natives, no one will dare to shoot or face Diponegoro...
December 12, 1828, Landa fell to Karanganyar...
This war then spread to the Wawar area (Southern Sea region), Telogo, and Petanahan...
On January 22, 1829, Kyai Mojo, Haji Ali, and Kasim Besari who were from the Netherlands were brought by Major Roeps and Resident Nahuys, Commissioner of the Ngayogya Palace, to meet Sentot Prawirodirjo in the Bendol River area.
Part 17
During April 1829, Diponegoro and his army were in Petanahan, war broke out..
The Dutch army led by Colonel Cleerens attacked the Diponegoro army.
But in this battle, Cleerens failed to capture Diponegoro...
And Sentot led the struggle in the Ngayogya Kidul region to the East of the Opak river.
Then, on October 14, 1829, in Karanggoni (Kretek Region), the Dutch captured Ratu Ageng (wife of Diponegoro) and Raden Ayuu Gusti (Princess of Diponegoro who married Prince Basah Martonegoro)...
Finally, on October 16, 1829, Sentot and Prince Prawirokusumo, and the 20 Regents, surrendered to Landa in Imogiri..
Sentot was then brought to Bogor, and was made a Landa officer to follow the War against the Padri Army in Minangkabau Sumatra...
For some reason in Minang Sentot even united with Padri's army, Sentot was exiled to Bengkulu until his death....
In 1827-1829, Diponegoro's army decreased.
In fact, in 1829, his son named Prince Joyokusumo died together with Prince Ngabehi while traveling in the Bagelen area towards the Menoreh Mountains...
On August 20, 1829, Prince Mangkubumi also surrendered to the Dutch...
On September 21, 1829, General De Kock wrote a letter addressed to the Ngayogya Palace, which contained a decision on whether the Dutch side wanted to capture the Diponegoro prince alive or dead.
The letter also mentions that anyone who can capture Diponegoro, will be given a burden of 50,000 silver, land to sit on, rank and salary.
After the surrender of Prince Mangkubumi and Prince Ario Prawirodiningrat, Laskar Bulkiyo felt heartbroken...
At the end of 1829, one by one Senopati was tough, and the Dutch surrendered...
Senopati is among them, Prince Ario Suryokusumo, Jerto Pengalasan (hero of the Pleret War), Prince Joyosudiro
Part 18
Although Prince Diponegoro's mood was "depressed", he continued to fight...
Diponegoro still believes in our commitment to Banyumas, Bagelen, and Kedu....
With that, De Kock's effort soon ended the battle, failing to win...
With the remaining soldiers, Diponegoro continues to spread the battle...
He then moved from valley, mountain, forest, and villages...
At the beginning of 1830, the army that followed was a little...
On the other hand, these soldiers are also tired and tired of fighting for 5 years...
16 January 1830, Governor General Du Bus'de Gisignes was replaced by Van Den Bosch..
The new Governor General who implements the rule of "Cultuur Stelsel...
At that time, there was a negotiation offer between Prince Diponegoro and Colonel Cleerens...
But Diponegoro refused the Dutch request...
But De Kock did not give up..
He then sent Cleerens to persuade Diponegoro's son, Prince Dipokusumo, to surrender to Landa...
The surrender of Dipokusumo made Prince Diponegoro feel "depressed"...
Finally, in February 1830, Colonel Cleerens succeeded in finding Diponegoro's place of worship and invited Rundingan...
In a tight situation, whether he wanted to or not, Diponegoro did the Dutch's request..
Soon after, on February 16, 1830, the Piyayi who fought this battle met in Remo Kamal, Bagelen, Purworejo...
Cleerens suggested that Prince Diponegoro should rest at the bottom of Menoreh mountain while waiting for the arrival of Lieutenant General Marcus Hendrick De Kock from Batavia...
But Diponegoro rejected the proposal, because Cleerens was just a scumbag.
Diponegoro only wanted to consult with General De Kock who at that time was attending the "inauguration" of the new Governor General...
In order to make Prince Diponegoro happy and willing to come to the "Great Headquarters" of the Dutch Legion in Magelang, Cleerens made a letter that would honor and support Diponegoro's request....
Cleerens also gave a burden in the form of thousands of money...
However, the money is instead for the followers...
After that, Diponegoro promised to come to meet General De Kock in Magelang during the month of Ramadhan, because, during Ramadhan, Diponegoro did not want to mix religious and worldly affairs.
He wants to spend the fasting day in peace, without the atmosphere of war...
So, he thinks it is not appropriate if the negotiations are held in the month of fasting.
De Kock wants to accept Diponegoro's reasons, and wants to wait for Prince Diponegoro to prepare...
to be continued
Diponegoro War (Javanese War)
De Java Oorloog
1825-1830
Copyright is owned by each author. www.kompetensimedia.com just helps to make you enjoy reading. Build literacy competency skills.
============
Bahasa Asli
Perang Diponegoro (Perang Jawa)
De Java Oorloog
1825-1830
Hak cipta dimiliki oleh author masing-masing. www.kompetensimedia.com hanya membantu membudayakan gemar membaca. Menciptakan kemampuan kompetensi literasi.
Part 1
Pangeran Diponegoro, miyos ing Jum'at Wage, 11 November 1785..
Penjenengane minangka putra pembayun Sinuwun HB III kalian Garwa Ampil, Raden Ayu Mangkarawati (putri Adipati Pacitan)...
Rikala timur, penjenengane kathenger asma, Bendara Raden Mas Ontowiryo...
Sultan HB I banget tresna marang putra buyute iku, lan ngramal bilih Diponegoro bakal nggayuh keagungan ngluwulihi sinuwun kiyambak...
Bendara Raden Mas Ontowiryo, ageng ing lingkungan keraton, lan pikantuk pendidikan Islam, kaya Ngaji, lan sinau keislaman liyane..
Panggula wentah iki ingkang ing tembe njalari jiwa spirituale saya keasah...
Penjenengane remen Khalwat (nyepi) ing gunung-gunung lan gua-gua ing sak kiwa tengene..
Wiwit timur, Raden Ontowiryo pindah ibg Tegalrejo, amarga ing Keraton lagi ana ontran-ontran..
Kejaba iku, Raden Ontowiryo uga ora bisa urip gebyar ing jero keraton ingkang asring gelar Andrawina cara "Barat" ingkang di sediani "minuman keras"...
Ing Tegalrejo, Raden Ontowiryo di gulawetah dening ingkang Eyang Putri, Ratu Ageng, garwa Prameswari HB I..
Amarga lenggah ing sak tengahing kawula alit, wekasan tuwuh rasa tresna marang para kawula, lan leluasa sinau agama Islam ing kana...
Kawit manggon sarwng keng Eyang, Raden Ontowiryo sowan ing keraton mung ping pindo ing dalem setaun, yaiku ing Idul Fitri lan Grebeg Maulid...
Sak wise dewasa, BRM Ontowiryo kaparingan gelar Pengeran Diponegoro...
Penjenengane dadi Priyagung ingkang banget di hormati..
Sak liyane nekuni agama Islam, penjenengane uga remen jahading kebatinan Jawa..
Mula, penjenengane luwih seneng semedi lan sowan ing pesantren tinimbang ing keraton...
Nalika Sultan HB III surut, Pangeran Diponegoro ora kepilih minangka Sultan Ngayogya, amarga mijil saka garwa selir...
Ingkang kepilih nglenggahi dampar yaiku Pangeran Jarot, Putra garwa Prameswari ingkang rikala semana lagi yuswa 13 taun...
Keputusan iki di pangestoni dening Gubermen Walanda..
Wekasan, Pangeran Jarot jumeneng nata ing Ngayogya kanthi gelar Sri Sultan HB IV..
Sak banjure, Pangeran Jarot mrentah ing sak ngandaping pangawasing pengageng keraton..
Nanging, Sultan Anom iki ora yuswa panjang...
Ing taun 1822, penjenengane surut lan ninggal putra ingkang lagi yuswa 3 taun..
Marga saka iku, Pangeran Diponegoro isih kagungan pangarep-arep bisa ngganteni kalenggahaning keng rayi...
Nanging, Gunermen Walanda ora sarujuk..
Sebab, ing 1822, Residen Walanda, Baron de Salis malah misuda Pangeran Gathot Menol ingkang isih yuswa 3 taun minangka Sultan Ngayogya kanthi gelar, Sultan HB V..
Kejaba iku, Pangeran Diponegoro, Pangeran Mangkubumi, lan Ibu Suri (Garwa Prameswari HB IV) kawisuda minangka Wali Negari...
Para pengageng iku di tugasi ndamping keng Sultan mrentah negari nganti Sultan dewasa lan bisa mrentah dewe...
Mesti wae iki ndadekKe ora rebane penggalihe Pangeran Diponegoro...
Mula, penjenengane milih mundur lan metu saka lingkungan keraton...
Diponegoro rumangsa asor amarga kudu tunduk dening putusane Walanda, lan kudu nyembah Raja ingkang isih cilik...
Nanging, aturan lan tata cara keraton pancen kudu mangkono...
Senajano klebu minangka anggota perwalian, Pangeran Diponegoro arang di libatKe ing urusan negari..
Malah, rikala penjenengane nglaporKe masalah ingkang njiret oara kawula, penjenengane ora pikantuk pelayanan ingkang kepenak...
Wekasan, Pangeran Diponegoro metu saka Dewan Perwalian, lan ora nate maneh nderek cawe-cawe ururusan keprajan..
Masio Pangeran Gathot Menol ingkang jumeneng nata, nanging ing kasunyatane, pamrentah krajan di cekel dening Patih Danurejo...
Kamangka, sang Patih iki gampang di pengaruhi lan tunduk banget marang Gubermen..
Bab iki njalari penggalihe Pangeran Diponegoro ora lila yen budaya keraton kecampur budaya "njaba" ingkang ora gathuk marang budaya Jawa lan agama Islam ingkang dadi kapitayanNe..
Diponegoro minangka Pangeran ingkang taat mring ajaran lan hukum Islam..
Penjenengane uga minangka Ulama ingkang remen maos kitab-kitab sujarah, Sastra, lan agama...
Part 2
Pangeran Diponegoro kagungan penganggep, yen njonggole wong-wong manca ing tanah kagungan dalem keraton mawi cara sewa, iku pada dene tibaNe tanah Jawa ing panguwasaNe manca..
Mula, Jawa kudu di rebut nganggo cara perang sabil...
Wusana, Pangeran Diponegoro ngusadani gerahing penggalih kanthi kholwat, lan nyaket marang Sang Kuwasa ing guwa-guwa..
Salah sawijining guwa ingkang asring di agem sang Pangeran kanggo nyepi, yaiku Guwa Selarong...
Amarga para kawula nganggep aturan Keraton lan Gubermen banget ngrugeni, mula, para kawula iku banget ngarep-arep supaya Pangeran Diponegoro bisa ngluwari saka tumindak dek siya iku...
Para penderek sang Pangeran percaya, lamun Pangeran Diponegoro wis kapanjingan Wahyu saka Gusti Kang Akarya Jagad..
Malah, para kawula wus nganggep yen sang Pangeran iku calon Ratu Adil ingkang wus di antu-antu rawuhe...
Diponegoro ora mung sengit marang wong Landa lan China, nanging uga para pengageng keraton sing wis gandheng klawan Landa lan asring ngrusak susila..
Diponegoro kagungan penganggep yen para priyagung iku wus ketularan budaya "Kulon", saingga akhlak dadi merosot...
Senajan kaya mangkono, sejatine Diponegoro ora nate sengit marang wong China..
Penjenengane mung sengit marang wong Landa ingkang asring nyampuri urusan keraton..
Malah ana sawijining wong China ingkang nyengkuyung perjuangane sang Pangeran kanthi maringi Turangga Cemani ingkang di paringi Tetenger Kyai Gentayu...
Turangga iki ingkang dadi mitraNe anggone ngusir penjajah..
Part 3
Rikala semana, Pangeran Diponegoro mireng kabar lamun Gubermen Walanda arep mbangun dalan minangka salah sawijining modernisasi Jawa..
Sekawit, pamrentah dawuh supaya mbangun dalan sing arep ngubungKe kutha Ngayogya lan Magelang ngliwati Muntilan..
Nanging, ing madyaning Mei 1825, Walanda ngrubah rute, lan ngenggokKe jalur ngliwati Tegalrejo...
Dalan iku uga bakal ngliwati desa-desa ing sak kiwa tengenNe Tegalrejo...
Tanpa ana nawala, Pamrentah banjur masang pathok-pathok lan nggusur sak perangan omah sing bakal di liwati proyek dalan iku...
Malah, rute iku uga bakal nrabas pasarean leluhure Pangeran Diponegoro..
Bab iki ingkang njalari penggalihe sang Pangeran murina..
Mula, Pangeran Diponegoro banjur ngirim layang protes menyang kantor Residen...
Nanging, protes iku ora di gagas dening Patih Danurejo lan Residen Walanda, AH. Smissaert...
Senajan pepiling wis di cawisKe dening warga, nanging Pamrentah ora nggubris...
Pangeran Diponegoro rumangsa tumindak iki minangka wujud tantangan tumrap Penjenengane...
Para kawula wis siyaga ing sak mburiNe Diponegoro, lan nancepKe tumbak ing lemah minangka wujud jengkeling ati...
Sak banjure, Diponegoro dawuh marang andahane supaya njabut pathok-pathok iku...
Pirsa bab iki, Residen Smissaert banjur nimbali Diponegoro menyang kantore..
Nanging Diponegoro ora minangkani timbalane Residen...
Walanda lan Patih Danurejo, banjur ngutus Pangeran Mangkubumi, sentana dalem ingkang isih di ajeni lan di hormati dening Pangeran Diponegoro, supaya ngendika marang Diponegoro...
Nanging, sak wise ngendikan marang Diponegoro, Pangeran Mangkubumi malah manunggal klawan Diponegoro...
Mangkubumi uga ora lila yen pesarean kerabat dalem di rusuhi, lan nyengkuyung tumindak'e putra ponak'ane iku...
Rikala Pangeran Mangkubumi arep ngadhep sowan ngarsane Residen, Diponegoro titip weling supaya Walanda mecat Patih Danurejo IV sing di anggep ngrugeni para kawula...
Rikala Mangkubumi rundingan dening Walanda, Mangkubumi tetep ora ngeparengake yen proyek iku nrabas pasarean ingkang di anggep keramat dening para kawula lan kulawarga Diponegoro...
Nanging Residen Smissaert tetep puguh ora nggeser..
Sebab, Gubermen bakal ngetokNe prabea ingkang luwih gede yen kudu ngrubah rute..
Walanda uga nampik pamundute Diponegoro anggone mecat Patih Danurejo IV, malah mbela marang "Pegawai Tinggi" Sultan iku..
Walanda nganggep, yen Danurejo wis akeh lelabuhane marang kapentinganNe Gubermen..
Upaya damai, isih terus di upayaKe, nanging Pangeran Diponegoro ora ngrewes timbalane Residen Walanda...
Malah, Pangeran Mangkubumi uga ora paring palapuran ngenani tugas ingkang di paringake marang Residen..
Iki di anggep Mangkubumi lan Diponegoro mbalela...
Mula, Asisten Residen Ngayogya, Chevallier di utus menyang "daerah sengketa" nggawa prajurit saperlu ngrangket pangeran sak kloron...
Nalika prajurit Walanda tekan Tegalrejo, atusan kawula wis siyaga ngadang kanthi sikep gegaman landhep..
Sak liyane kui, warga uga gawe pepalang (blokade) ing dalan lan ngendheg para kuli ingkang lagi pada nyambut gawe..
Wekasan, perang ora bisa di endani antaraNe para kawula lan prajurit Residen Walanda..
Kabeh para kawula manunggal ing sak ngandaping Pangeran Diponegoro, lan ngikrarake perang marang Walanda...
Mula, ing 19 Juni 1825, Diponegoro nyata ngraman marang Pamrentah Hindia Walanda kanthi ngangkat senjata...
Perang iki diwiwiti kanthi tiwase Letnan Walanda ing prastawa njabute pathok-pathok dalan...
Rikala semana, Diponegoro ngerek gendera Gula Klapa (Abang Putih) sing kabare wis suwe ora nate di klebetKe kawit Jayakatwang ing taun 1292 tekan jaman Sultan Agung)...
Part 4
Nalika ing 20 Juli 1825, mbledhose meriem lan bedile Walanda, di wales dening jojohe tumbak lan sabeting pedang saka para penderek'e Diponegoro ing Tegalrejo...
Mula saka iku, perang kamardikan sing pengen uwal saka panguwasaNe Walanda lan gegayuhan ngadegKe negara lan masyarakat anyar kang mardika, wis kawiwitan...
Wusana, prajurit Walanda lan Danurejo IV ngrangseg ngepung Tegalrejo...
Landa duweni alasan kanggo ngrangket pangeran Diponegoro ingkang wis di anggep ngraman marang panguwasaNe Gubermen Hindia Walanda..
Pirsa gelagat ingkang mbebayani warga desa, Pangeran Diponegoro dawuh marang andahane supaya pada ngungsi ngulon, yaiku menyang desa Dekso, Kulonprogo..
Paprangan pecah..
Kabar ngramane Pangeran Diponegoro iki pikantuk sengkuyung saka sapa wae ingkang rumangsa kapithes dening Walanda..
Mula, kabeh masyarakat Jawa saka Piyayi, Kuli, buruh, bakul, tani, sarjana, guru-guru ngaji, manunggal ndukung perjuangane Pangeran Diponegoro...
Kanthi wewaler "Sak Dumuk Bathuk Senyari Bumi, Di Tohi Tekan Pati", para kawula pada manunggal ngusir penjajah...
Geger Tegalrejo dumadi nganti seminggu...
Ing 29 Juli 1825, Residen Smissaert ngutus Chevallier mandegani prajurit gabungan (wong-wong Landa lan penderek'e Patih Danurejo IV) nglurug Tegalrejo..
Saingga, Tegalrejo bosah-baseh dadi karang abang...
Nanging, Diponegoro, Mangkubumi lan para andahane wis pada sumingkir...
Chevallier terus wae nggempur Tegalrejo..
Wekasan, Chevallier kasil ngrebut Tegalrejo..
Nanging, Pangeran Diponegoro lan Mangkubumi kasil lolos saka pangamuk'e Walanda...
Amarga gagar wigar tanpa karya, Chevallier ngobong seisi desa, klebu dalem Diponegaran lan puluhan omah warga ing sak kiwa tengene dalem Diponegaran..
Saka kadohan, Diponegoro ing sak duwure Turangga Cemani sikil belang putih, Pangeran Mangkubumi lan para penderek'e pada nyawang pembumihangusan iku kathi ati sedih...
Sak banjure, guwa Selarong dadi basis pertahanane Diponegoro..
Guwa Selarong dadi papan kanggo nyusun kekuwatan lan siasat kanggo males kesewenang-wenangan Walanda
Part 5..
Akeh kawula tanpa "di komando" menyang Selarong saperlu nderek nyengkuyung perjuangane sang Pangeran...
Dukungan kanggo Diponegoro teka saka ngendi-endi..
Malah, para Pangeran keraton Ngayogyakarta uga nderek barisane Diponegoro...
Para priyagung keraton iki ing antarane saka para putra HB I, II, lan III ingkang kabeh ana 23, lan para putra wayah sing cacahe 54...
Putra Sultan Sepuh (HB II) ingkang asma Pangeran Puger, minangka Penasehat Agung lan ngampu karya ngurusi urusan "Kerumahtanggaan" kulawarga Diponegoro...
Sak liyane iku, Pangeran Bei (Ngabehi Joyokusumo), sang Senopati Agung minangka pengatur siasat perang kanthi pangkat "Generalissimus"...
Sak liyane para Piyayi keraton, ana sawijining senopati anom, Sentot Prawirodirjo (Alibasah), putra Raden Ronggo Prawirodirjo III..
Kaya dene keng Rama, Sentot mijil minangka prajurit kang di wedeni lawan...
Sentot, salah sawijining senopati Diponegoro ingkang kondhang minangka ahli siasat perang...
Rikala Pangeran Diponegoro nglekasi paprangan, Sentot Prawirodirjo isih ngancik yuswa 16 taun...
Ulama Bayat lan laskar-laskar ingkang di pandegani dening Kyai Mojo lan Tumenggung Prawirodigdoyo saka Surakarta, uga nderek nyengkuyung perjuangane Pangeran Diponegoro..
Kyai Mojo, salah sawijining ahli kitab Islam, kawisuda minangka "Pemimpin Spiritual" lan Penasehat Agama, sarta "Penyemangat Perang" ing Perang Diponegoro iki...
Asal Kyai Mojo saka desa Mojo, lor kutha Surakarta..
Penjenengane kagungan sifat keras lan kekendelan ingkang ngedap-edapi...
Propaganda Perang nglawan penjajah nyebar menyang ngendi-endi...
Ing Ngayogyakarta, Jayanegara enggal gawe layang edaran kanggo ngajak kabeh kawula Mataram supaya nyengkuyung perjuangane Pangeran Diponegoro lan Mangkubumi ngusir penjajah Walanda..
Ing sak njabaning Ngayogya, kayata Banyumas lan sak kiwa tengene, ajak'an "Jihad fi Sabililiah" di gaungKe dening Kyai Kasan Besari saka Kedu...
Ajak'an iki di tampa dening para kawula kanthi magita-gita...
Sing ora di nyana-nyana, sengkuyungan uga teka saka Sinuwun Pakubuwono VI kanthi meneng-menengan..
Sampeyan Dalem paring pangendika marang Pangeran Diponegoro lan laskar-laskare supaya ngetrapKe siasat Perang "Dhedhemitan" alias "Gebang Ancat Nrabas Geblas", yaiku nyerbu dadak'an banjur ngilang ing sak jroning alas, guwa-guwa, gunung, lan petenge wengi...
Jebul, siasat iki gawe wadya bala Walanda giris..
Saingga, ira maido yen ing taun-taun awal, laskar Diponegoro tansah nggayuh kemenangan...
Kemenangan pisan ingkang di gayuh dening para laskar Diponegoro, dumadi ing desa Pisangan, tapal wates Muntilan lan Ngayogyakarta, ingkang di pandegani dening Tumenggung Mulyo Sentiko...
Kanthi gagah pideksa, laskar-laskar Diponegoro nyegat iring-iringan wadya Walanda sing cacahe 120 uwong..
Laskar Diponegoro kasil ngejur mungsuh, lan ngrampas duit kang cacahe 50.000 gulden, lan senjata-senjata duwek'e serdadu Landa...
Ing 6 Agustus 1825, laskar Diponegoro lan para senopati, kasil ngejur markas Walanda ing Purwodadi lan Pacitan...
Kemenangan-kemenangan iki, kasil mbrongot semangate para laskar lan kawula, kanggo nglawan penjajah Walanda...
Saingga, Perang iki mleber tekan Banyumas, Pekalongan, Semarang, Rembang, tekan Madiun...
Part 6
Gubernur Jenderal Van der Capellen kaget setengah mati mireng kabar dredahe Pangeran Diponegoro...
Sebab, Residen Smissaert tansah paring pelapuran yen kahanan Vorstenlanden sak kloron ayem tentrem..
Nanging kasunyatanNe, pergolakan nggegirisi wis mremen nganti sak njabaning wilayah, malah kepara nganti sak idenging Pulo Jawa..
Saingga, pihak Walanda nyebut Perang iki Perang Jawa utawa De Java Oorloog....
Sawetara iku, wadya Walanda ora cukup kanggo ngadepi laskare Diponegoro..
Sebab, wis punjul saka separone lagi ngadepi perange Kaum Padri ing Sumatra Kulon, lan ngredem dredahe Sultan Hasanuddin ing Sulawesi...
Rikala semana, Van der Capellen lagi siyaga arep kundur menyang negara Netherland, amarga kalenggahane wis arep rampung...
Nanging, amarga kahanan iki, kepeksa penjenengane menggak, lan nyuwun "perpanjangan jabatan" setengah taun meneh..
Penjenengane ora kepingin citraNe kecoreng ing Netherland...
Sak banjure, Gubernur Jenderal ngutus Letnan Jenderal Hendrick Marcus de Kock supaya nangani peperangan iki...
Ing liya pihak, Pangeran Diponegoro, Mangkubumi, Kyai Mojo lan Sentot Prawirodirjo, saya gigih anggone ngobarake perlawanan...
Diponegoro pirsa, yen Walanda kekurangan cacah, lan peperangan wis arep nyedak'i keraton Ngayogya...
Pirsa kahanan iki, De Kock banjur ngukuhKe pertahanane ing Ngayogya...
Nanging ing Logorok, wilayah Lor Ngayogya, 200 prajurit Landa, klebu Kumendane, Kapten Kumsius, tiwas di terjang laskar Diponegoro ingkang di pandegani dening Mulya Sentiko...
Kejaba iku, prajurit Landa ingkang njaga pertahanan ing Benteng Vredenburg, uga mung 200 uwong...
Kanggo nuduhKe prasetyaNe marang Walanda, Sunan Pakubuwono VI ngintun prajurit Surakarta..
Semana uga, Mangkunegaran uga ngedunKe Legiun Mangkunegaran marang De Kock...
Malah, Jenderal Landa iki uga pikantuk pambiyantu saka Sultan Paku Nataningrat saka Sumenep kanthi ngintun prajurit Madura di pandegani dening Pangeran Suryadiningrat..
Wusana, kurange wadya bala prajurit, wis bisa nyukupi...
De Kock uga kasil ngayomi Sultan HB V lan sentana saka pangincime pambrontak..
Sultan HB V di "amanKe" ing jroning Benteng Vredenburg..
Kanthi cara iki, De Kock nyuda "keterlibatan" kulawarga keraton...
De Kock uga kasil nundhung laskar Diponegoro, metu saka wilayah keraton kanggo sawetara...
Amarga Kesultanan wis kelangan wibawa, Gubermen Hindia Walanda, nyuwun marang Sultan Sepuh (HB II) ingkang nate dadi Naledra Ngayogya, supaya lenggah dampar, lan jumeneng nata ing Ngayogya maneh..
Sultan Sepuh nyanggupi pamundute Walanda..
Sak liyane iku, kanggo ngadepi Diponegoro, Hindia Walanda kepeksa narik Prajurite sing lagi ngadepi Kaum Padri ing Sumatera Kulon...
Wusana, pihak sak kloron rujuk ing "Gencatan Senjata)
Part 7
Dukungan perjuangan Pangeran Diponegoro, ora mung saka para kawula lan Piyayi biasa..
Nanging ingkang tanpa di nyana, Kanjeng Susuhunan Pakubuwono VI, uga paring pambyantu...
Nalendra ing Surakarta ingkang uga kondhang kanthi gelar Sinuwun Bangun Tapa iki, ora sithik lelabuhane marang Diponegoro...
Amarga duwe prajanjen karo Gubermen Hindia Walanda, Sinuwun ora ngatonake dukungane...
Senajan mangkono, Sinuwun tansah paring sumbangan arupa dana lan senjata...
Pangeran Diponegoro uga nate nlusup mlebu keraton Surakarta saperlu ngrembug sikape Mangkunegaran lan Madura...
Nanging, nalika Walanda teka ing keraton, Sinuwun lan Diponegoro ethok-ethok sulaya lan "saling serang"...
Kabare, Kereta Pangeran Diponegoro ingkang keri, enggal gage di pendhem ing jroning lingkungan keraton saka dawuhe Sinuwun...
Kanthi mangkono, Sinuwun PB VI nglakoni rong paraga...
Kejaba nyengkuyung perjuangane Diponegoro, uga ngintun prajurit ethok-ethok mbantu Landa..
Raden Ngabei Ronggowarsito, uga nate nderek barisan prajurit" sandiwara" iki...
Ing daerah-daerah liya, kaya Demak, Pekalongan, Banten, Banyumas, Ledok, Kedu, lan daerah Brang Wetan, para utusan Diponegoro kasil mbrongot semangate para kawula..
Seka jasane para utusan iku, kira-kira 35.000 kawula Purbalingga, manunggal nglurug Kedu lan kasil ngrebut Parakan lan Magelang...
Ngadepi bab iki, prajurit Landa ingkang nyawiji ing Magelang, di suntakKe nggempur para pambrontak ing sak idenging Kedu ingkang ngubungake Benteng ing Bawen nganti Parakan...
Prajurit Landa iki, entuk pambyantu saka wong-wong China ingkang nyawiji ing barisan "Yong Sekar" saka Legiun Mangkunegaran, lan uga saka prajurit para Bupati ingkang setya marang Landa, yaiku Raden Tumenggung Danuningrat Bupati Magelang, Raden Tumenggung Aryo Sumodilogo Bupati Menoreh (Temanggung), Tumenggung Mangunsentiko, Tumenggung Wiroyudo, lan Tumenggung Mertodiwiro...
Part 8
Rikala 27 Juli 1825, laskar Diponegoro ingkang arep ngrebut kutha Magelang, wis tekan gunung Tidar..
Nanging, serangan iku ora kasil, saingga penyerbuan di alihKe menyang daerah Menoreh..
Sak banjure, ing Agustus pungkasan 1825, laskar Diponegoro kasil ngrebut Cempaka, Telahap, Parakan, lan Propak...
Ing paprangan iki, Bupati Menoreh, Arya Sumodilogo, nemahi pralaya...
Ing 31 Agustus 1825, para prajurit ingkang di pandegani dening Pangeran Abubakar lan Pangeran Adikusumo, arep ngrebut Magelang..
Ing paprangan ing daerah Sadegan lan Pucang, Opsir-opsir Landa lan Bupati Magelang, Danuningrat, ingkang mbiyantu Walanda ing wilayah Kedu Kidul, tiwas di terjang laskar Diponegoro...
Sak banjure, kanggo mepet mobah mosik'e laskar Diponegoro, De Kock banjur mbangun Benteng ing Kali Jengking, Borobudur, Magelang, lan Tempel...
Saingga, ing 1 Desember 1826, Pangeran Mangkudiningrat (Mangkuwijoyo), putra wayah Sultan Sepuh, karangket Walanda ing Plendingan...
Banjur, ing awal Januari 1827, Diponegoro mimpin perjuangan lan ngetokKe 8000 laskar ing gunung Tawon..
Prajurit iki nglurug Benteng Trayem, saingga pecah Perang nganti masasen-sasen ing sak kupenge Kali Progo lan Bogowonto...
Kawula Pajang, ingkang di pandegani dening Pangeran Rapat Notoprojo, kadange Pangeran Mangkudiningrat..
Nanging, penjenengane uga karangket Walanda rikala arep nyerang wilayah Bagelen lan Kedu..
Mireng kekalahan iku, Pangeran Diponegoro duka yayah sinipi...
Banjur, Diponegoro mbales kekalahan iku kanthi nglurug wilayah Gunung Tawang...
Nanging, ing 19 Januari 1827, Pangeran Surya Mataram lan Pangeran Prangwedono, pasrah marang Landa...
Peperangan ing wilayah Banyumas, Pekalongan, Ledok, lan Jabrangkah ingkang di pandegani dening Imam Musba lan Mas Lurah, njalari laju pamrentahan Hindia Walanda keganggu...
Hubungan Walanda menyang Cirebon pedot ing wilayah Tegal nganti Pekalongan..
Sebab, ing wilayah iki isih di kuasani para penderek'e Diponegoro
Part 9
Ing Perang iki, Hindia Walanda antuk sokongan saka wong-wong China ingkang di peksa dadi Serdadu, saka Semarang, Bogor, lan Magelang..
Semono uga Pangeran Diponegoro uga entuk pambyantu saka Pangeran Serang lan Bupati daerah Serang, Sukowati..
Pangeran Serang iku kadang ipe Pangeran Mangkudiningrat, utawa putra mantu Sultan Sepuh..
Salah sawijining garwa Pangeran Serang, ana ingkang isih Trah Sunan Kalijogo, ingkang kaparingan gelar, Nyi Ageng Serang....
Nyi Ageng Serang, kagungan asma asli RA Kustiyah Wulaningsih Retno Edi, minangka putra wuragil Bupati Serang, Panembahan Notoprojo...
Senajan putra Piyayi, Nyi Ageng Serang banget cedhak mring kawula dasih kawit isih timur..
Semangat perjuangan Nyi Ageng Serang kebrongot kanggo bela para kawula...
Kejaba iku, sedaNe keng raka rikala mbela Pangeran Mangkubumi (HB I) anggone nglawan PB II ingkang di rewangi Landa, uga nguthik semangate kanggo nglawan Landa...
Kejaba minangka garwa, Penjenengane uga salah sawijining prajurit putri ingkang peng-pengan...
Mula, Penjenengane uga kondhang kanthi gelar "Djayeng Sekar"...
Ing Keraton Ngayogya, asma Djayeng Sekar lan Langen Kusuma iku jeneng Korps Keprajuritan Putri ingkang di bentuk dening Sultan HB I, ingkang anggotane para putri pendekar kanthi senjata panah lan tumbak (Infantri), lan uga prajurit Turangga (Kavaleri)...
Mula, Nyi Ageng Serang kedhapuk dening Pangeran Diponegoro supaya mimpin laskar Gula Klapa kanggo wilayah Jawa Tengah sisih Wetan Kidul...
Nyi Ageng Serang sak banjure dadi salah sawijining Senopati andalan Pangeran Diponegoro..
Penjenengane lan "Prajurit Siluman" nduweni keahlian nyerang kanthi cepet...
Saingga anggawe mungsuh gilapen lan giris...
Nanging, Penjenengane uga gugur ing madyaning ronanggana, lan kapetak ing gunung Trajumas, Kalibawang, Kulonprogo
Part 10
Sak wise Pangeran Notoprojo saka Ngayogya paring pambyantu marang Pangeran Diponegoro, kawula Semarang bisa di siyagakKe kanggo nggempur wilayah Purwodadi...
Saingga, ing 28 Agustus 1827, Purwodadi bisa di rebut dening Pangeran Serang kang uga di bantu dening Bupati Gagatan..
Sak banjure, pambrontakan mrembet menyang Kudus, Demak, Wirosari, Grobogan, lan Semarang..
Nanging jebule, Walanda karep tetep ngrengkuh Semarang..
Sak wise antuk tambahan prajurit saka Surabaya, Sumenep, lan Solo, Landa ngadepi laskar Diponegoro di pandegani dening Jenderal Van Geen...
Ing paprangan iki, Bupati Gagatan karangket, banjur di tahan ing Surakarta...
Bekas Bupati Semarang, Adipati Suroadimenggolo, melu kecekel sebab keng putra ingkang asma Raden Sukur nderek nyengkuyung Diponegoro...
Kejaba iku, Bupati Serang isih terus di buru Van Geen....
15 September 1827, Van Geen nggempur Demak..
Ing paprangan iki, Bupati Serang bisa uwal saka inceraning Landa senajan daleme ludes di obong Landa..
Banjur, penjenengane nyawiji marang Arya Kertodirjo,Senopati prajurit Diponegoro wilayah Madiun...
Sak liyane iku, Pangeran Basah Sastrodilogo, mandegani perjuangan ing wilayah Rembang lan Bojonegoro...
Penjenengane nyiagakKe prajurite ing Rajegwesi, Bojonegoro...
Rikala semana, Sastrodilogo iku salah sawijining Tumenggung lan Senopati Prajurit Sultan ing Ngayogyakarta...
Nanging, rikala Sultan Sepuh jumeneng ingkang kaping telune, Sastrodilogo kundur menyang Rembang, lan ngleksanani dawuhe Pangeran Diponegoro supaya ngobong pambrontak'an ing kono...
Sak wise Landa mbangun Benteng ing Tuban, Bancar, Pluntaran, Blora, lan Pamotan, wadya Walanda kasil nggebug mundur laskar Sastrodilogo...
Part 11
Amarga prajurit Diponegoro asring nyerang dadak'an, kaya dene caraNe Raden Mas Said utawa Pangeran Samber Nyawa, mula kawit April 1826, Jenderal De Kock mimpin "Operasi Penumpasan Pemberontakan" kanthi langsung..
Kanggo ngendani thukule kekacauan ing wilayahe jalaran prilakuNe para pambrontak, penjenengane mbangun Benteng-benteng cilik sing di gawe "saling terhubung" antar distrik...
Ing sawetara iki, Surakarta di dadekNe basis prajurit Landa kanggo nglurug Ngayogyakarta..
Sak banjure, De Kock nyiagakKe para prajurit ing antarane Benteng-benteng, lan nglakoni ngronda kanthi teratur...
Sak liyane iku, De Kock uga nyebar telik sandi kanggo nlusub ing sak tengahing kawula supaya bisa nemokKe ngendi dununge Diponegoro...
Jenderal Van Geen malah wis kasil ngrebut Demak ingkang wis di kuwasani laskar Diponegoro..
Sak liyane iku, Letnan Kolonel Chosius, andahane De Kock, ngusulke cara kanggo ngrangket Diponegoro, yaiku nganggo cara Sayembara kanggo para kawula..
Gubermen Hindia Walanda bakal maringi bebana arupa duit cacahe 20.000 real kanggo sapa wae sing bisa ngrangket pangeran Diponegoro...
Nanging, sayembara iku ora di rewes..
Sebab para kawula pada nyengkuyung perjuangane Pangeran Diponegoro..
Mula Perang gede ora bisa di endani maneh..
Prajurit Infanteri, Kavaleri, Artileri pada di suntakKe..
Ajang paprangan uga thukul ing padesan lan kutha-kutha sak idenging Jawa..
Para Senopati uga miguna'ake kahanan alam minangka dasar kanggo nyusun siasat Perang
Para laskar asring nganakKe serangan rikala udan deres..
Sebab, udan tropis kasil ngrendet lakuNe prajurit Landa..
Kejaba iku, pageblug kaya Malaria, Disentri, lan sak panunggalane, uga dadi mungsuh sing "tan kasat mata" sing ndadek'ake loyoNe jasmani, lan ngedunKe mental, kepara malah njalari tumekaning pati...
Mula, ing wektu ingkang mangkono, Gubermen Hindia Walanda ngajak ing meja rundingan....
Part 12
Rikala di sepakati "gencatan senjata", Landa bakal nyusun maneh kekuatanNe
Sak liyane iku, Landa uga nyebar mata pita lan "provokator" ing desa-desa lan kutha-kutha kanggo manas-manasi, mecah belah, lan menet kulawarga para Pangeran lan Senopati ingkang nderek Diponegoro
Senajan mangkono, ora ana prajurit pribumi ingkang gigrig mungsuh Landa
Pas rame-rameNe Perang, Hindia Walanda ngetokKe 23.000 serdadu
Iki durung nate di lakoni Landa, nimbangi yen wilayah Jawa Tengah lan Jawa Wetan iku dudu wilayah sing amba
Mula, yen di sawang saka netra kaprajuritan (militer), Perang iki migunake kabeh cara perang modern, mbuh kui cara adu arep (perang terbuka), utawa dhedhemitan (gerilya), sing di leksanani kanthi siasat nyerang, ndelik, lan ngadang...
Siasat kasebut wis dudu kawastani perang suku, nanging perang modern sing migunake maneka warna cara, kaya perang urat syaraf mawi "tekanan-tekanan, provokasi kanggo sapa wae ingkang njegur langsung ing pabaratan...
Sak liyane iku, Landa apa dene Diponegoro uga masang Telik Sandi (intelijen) kanggo golek'i kelemahan, lan jumlah kekuatan lawan..
Paprangan pecah maneh ing sak idenging Mataram...
Diponegoro uga kasil ngrebut Imogiri lan Pleret, di susul Delanggu, Lengkong, lan Kasuran...
Ing pancakara iku, Keraton Surakarta, Pakualaman, lan Mangkunegaran ana ing pihak Walanda...
Laskar Tumenggung Surorejo kasil ngejur Legiun Mangkunegaran..
Diponegoro uga kasil ngrebut markas Walanda ing Prambanan, lan kasil ngrampas meriem-meriem Walanda...
Pertahanan Walanda ing Madiun uga remuk dening Pangeran Serang lan Pangeran Syukur...
Ing Dekso, Sentot Prawirodirjo kasil numpes meh kabeh serdadu Landa..
Nanging, Jenderal Van Geen, Kolonel Cochius, Pangeran Murdoningrat, lan Pangeran Panular kasil lolos saka terjangan Sentot....
Ora suwe, Pangeran Murdoningrat, Pangeran Panular, lan Letnan Habert bali nyerang laskar Diponegoro...
Ing paprangan iki, Letnan Habert tumekaning pati ing astane Pangeran Diponegoro..
Prajurit Surakarta ingkang nglawan Diponegoro, uga ajur ing Delanggu...
Benteng Gowok ingkang di jaga dening Kolonel Le Baron, uga kasil di rebut...
Nanging ing paprangan iki, Pangeran Diponegoro ketembak ing dada lan samparan...
Wusana, Diponegoro dawuh marang Sentot supaya mundur...
Amarga, miturut Pangeran Diponegoro, tujuan Perang iki yaiku nglawan Landa, dudu sapada wong Jawa...
Kamangka, kari selangkah meneh, keraton Surakarta bisa karebut...
Part 13
Kekalahan sing di sangga De Kock malah saya gawe nekad..
De Kock nyuwun tambahan anggaran marang Pamrentah Pusat...
RencanaNe, dana iku arep di kanggoKe mbangun Benteng Stelsel sing bisa ngrapetKe obah mosik'e laskar Diponegoro ing daerah-daerah ingkang wis di rebut Walanda...
Ing pangajab, cara iki bisa kanggo ndeseg Diponegoro supaya kersa di jak rundingan...
Ing awal paprangan, siasat ingkang di terapKe Walanda yaiku ngoyak kanggo ngrangket Diponegoro..
Nanging iki malah gawe kapitunane Walanda..
Mula, ing November 1826, Walanda nlusupKe Kyai Sentono minangka mata pita ing jroning laskar Diponegoro...
Adedasar pelapuran Kyai Sentono, Landa banjur ganti siasat...
Landa wis ora mligi ngoyak Diponegoro, nanging ngetrapKe siasat pangepungan...
Mula, Walanda mbangun Benteng lan pos-pos pertahanan utawa ingkang di arani Benteng Stelsel..
Banjur, ing wilayah Mataram, kaya ing Bantul, Paluwatu, Pasargede, Jatinom, lan Delanggu, thukul benteng-benteng Landa kang bakoh...
Malah, kira-kira nganti 165 benteng ingkang di bangun Landa kanggo ngepung laskar Diponegoro...
Sak liyane iku, akeh para Bupati ingkang biyantu Landa..
Mesti wae bab iki njalari saya abote laskar Diponegoro anggone "berkomunikasi"...
Mula, perlawanan Diponegoro dadi gampang di bendung...
Malah, laskar Bulkiyo ngadepi wektu-wektu kang abot...
Ing madyaning wektu susah iku, Diponegoro ngumpulKe para Senopati lan Sesepuh kanggo ngrebut kahanan ingkang banget ora nyenengake iku...
"Pertemuan" di gelar ing Pesanggrahan Bagelen..
Para senopati sarujuk, perlawanan tetep terus di gelar nganti kamardikan kagayuh ing Tanah Jawa...
Akibate, akeh para laskar ingkang dadi banten...
Wekasan, Pangeran Kusumowijoyo utawa Pangeran Serang ingkang ngobong perlawanan ing keraton Surakarta, gugur ing payudan...
Nganti keng garwa, Nyi Ageng Serang uga gugur ing Dekso, Kulonprogo...
Ora suwe, Tumenggung Prawodigdoyo saka Gagatan uga gugur ing ronanggana...
Penjenengane gugur rikala prajurit ngadepi tentara Landa ingkang cacahe mathikel-thikel kanthi senjata bedil lan meriem..
Siasat Benteng Stelsel njalari prajurit Diponegoro saya kwalahan...
Ing 27 Maret 1828, Dipokusumo, putra Diponegoro, pasrah marang Susuhunan Surakarta...
Banjur, ing 21 Juli 1828, Pangeran Notoprojo uga pasrah marang Landa ingkang di pandegani dening Kolonel Cleerens rikala Perang ing Pleret..
Sak liyane iku, putra Diponegoro liyane lan Sentot Prawirodirjo, gelar paprangan ing sak idenging kali Bogowonto..
Rikala 30 September nganti 1 Oktober 1828, tekan wilayah Rejasa ing sak cedhak'e Benteng Wunut..
Sentot lan para putra Diponegoro, nyerang Landa ingkang di pandegani dening Mayor Bsckhens..
Nanging, serangan iku ora kasil lan mundur nganti tekan Kroya,Cilacap...
Mayor Busckhens terus ngoyak laskar Diponegoro...
Ing Kroya, pecah Perang maneh..
Wekasan, Putra Diponegoro kasil nggebug mundur Landa, lan kasil ngrebut senjata Landa arupa 400 bedil lan piro-piro meriem..
Part 14
Pangeran Basah Sastrodilogo kundur menyang Ngayogya lan sowan Pangeran Diponegoro...
Nanging, kadange anom ingkang asma Raden Bagus di rangket dening Bupati Kertosono ingkang mihak Landa...
Saingga, ing 3 Oktober 1828, Sastrodilogo kepeksa pasrah demi njaga kawilujengane keng rayi...
10 Oktober 1828, pihak sak kloron akur gelar rundingan...
Rundingan iki di gelar ing Gamping, sak kulonNe kutha Ngayogya...
Pihak Walanda di wakili dening Kolonel Roeps, lan pihak Diponegoro di wakili Tumenggung Mangun Prawiro..
Nanging, rundingan iki gagar wigar tanpa karya..
Mula, Diponegoro di derekKe dening Pangeran Ngabehi, ngasta laskare tumuju daerah Jamus, tapal wates Kedu...
Banjur, Pangeran Mangkubumi ngasta kulawarga Diponegoro lan para kerabat menyang pegunungan Tranggeneng...
Sawetara iki, para putra Diponegoro tetep ngobarake paprangan ing Cengkowo, ing sak pinggiring kali Bogowonto...
Para putra Diponegoro iki, banjur ngasta laskare ingkang ana ing Bagelen tumuju daerah Rembang, Madiun, Kediri, nganti wilayah Mancanagara (wilayah bang Wetan)...
Nanging, rikala ngaso ing daerah Pangasi lan Sambiroto, laskar iki kinepung..
Sebab, Walanda wis mbangun Benteng ing wilayah kasebut ing antarane ing Minggir, Kemloko, Grobyak, Bligo, Minggiran, Bantul, Brosot, lan Kwarasan..
Bejane, Laskar Sentot ingkang wis balik saka Pengasi nyawiji marang laskar Diponegoro..
Saingga, wadya bala iki kasil lolos saka kupengane Landa...
Ing 31 Oktober 1828, ing wilayah Pajang, Kyai Mojo nganani rundingan klawan Landa ingkang nguwasani daerah Mlangi sing di wakili dening Pangeran Wironegoro...
Pihak Walanda nyuwun supaya bisa "gencatan senjata" karo laskar Diponegoro...
Nanging rundingan iki ora ngasilake apa-apa..
Mula, ing tanggal 11 November 1828, Kyai Mojo di rangket Walanda ing Bancer, Kemloko..
Wusana, Kyai Mojo ingkang minangka pangawak'e laskar Diponegoro, pasrah marang Landa..
Bab iki mesti wae ndadek'ake penggalihe Pangeran Diponegoro lan para laskar muwun...
Nanging, Diponegoro tetep tatag, lan ora kersa nyerah marang Landa, lan tetep ngobarake paprangan
Part 15
Pangeran Diponegoro uga pikantuk pambyantu saka Mancanagara (brang Wetan), kaya Bupati Ngawi, Arya Wirotani, Pangeran Mangunprawiro, putra Bupati Purwodadi, lan Pangeran Mangunegoro, putra Bupati Madiun...
Sawetara iku, laskar ingkang di pandegani dening Wirotani, kasil nguwasani Ngawi, saingga dalan Solo tumuju Surabaya ketutup, lan pelayaran Bengawan Solo lan Madiun uga ketutup...
Rikala 9 Oktober nganti 5 November 1828, wadya bala Walanda kumpul lan nyerbu daerah Padangan, saingga Ngawi karebut dening Walanda...
Banjur, Diponegoro ngutus Tumenggung Amat Aris tumuju Ngawi saperlu biyantu Mangunegoro...
Laskar Diponegoro uga pikantuk pambyantu saka kawula ing wilayah Gunung Wilis lan Gunung Lawu...
Laskar kasebut banjur mlaku tumuju daerah paprangan ing sak idenging gunung Merapi...
Wusana, 17 November 1828, ing sak perenge Merapi, wus kumlebet gendera kuning lan abang putih..
Iki mratanda'ake yen Pangeran Diponegoro wis dangan saka "tatu-tatuNe"...
Sak liyane iku, Walanda uga nekakNe serdadu saka Ambon, Manado, lan Sumenep..
Landa uga pikantuk sokongan saka Pakualaman lan Legiun Mangkunegaran..
Pulo Jawa banjur di para dadi pirang-pirang daerah, lan saben daerah di jaga tentara pamrentah Walanda...
Ing Ngayogyakarta, Landa kasil mengaruhi Pangeran Notodiningrat, saingga penjenengane, garwa, Ibu, lan 200 penderek'e pasrah marang Landa..
Iki ndadek'ake Jenderal De Kock saya getol nyedhak'i para pengageng laskar Diponegoro..
Malah, Landa njanjeni pangkat, kalenggahan, lan bebana ingkang akeh kagem Pangeran Diponegoro yen kersa mungkasi paprangan lan nyengkuyung Pamrentah Hindia Walanda...
20 Desember 1828, laskar Diponegoro nglurug Benteng Nanggulan..
Ing madyaning ronanggana, Kapten Van Ingen njrebabah ndepani bantala...
Nanging, pihak Diponegoro kelangan Senopati pilih tandhing...
Pangeran Prangwedono gugur dadi kusumaning bangsa
Part 16
Kabar ancure Benteng Nanggulan iki ndadek'ake Jenderal De Kock saya kamigilan marang Sentot Prawirodirjo..
De Kock mbayangKe Senopati Sentot kadya memedi ingkang njalari penjenengane ora bisa nendra...
Mula, De Kock terus ngupaya maneka warna cara supaya Senopati Sentot kersa pasrah..
Nanging, Senopati Anom iki panggah nampik pambujuk'e Walanda...
Amarga ora kasil, De Kock banjur nglancarKe inciman marang Pangeran Arya Prawirodiningrat, putra Bupati Madiun supaya pasrah...
Prawirodiningrat banjur pasrah..
Sebab, yen penjenengane ora kersa, kawilujengan kadange ingkang dadi taruhan...
Diponegoro pirsa lamun saiki Landa ngetrapKe siasat anyar, yaiku mbarisKe prajurit pribumi ing barisan paling ngarep...
Iki di lakoni Landa sebab Landa ngerti yen Diponegoro ora bakal mentala yen kudu mateni wong-wong pribumi..
Nanging siasat iki uga mbatheni tumrap Diponegoro..
Sebab, para prajurit pribumi rumangsa pekewuh marang pribadi Njeng Pangeran Diponegoro...
Rikala Diponegoro ing barisan paling ngarep, penjenengane bajur nuduhKe jati diriNe..
Prajurit mungsuh ingkang saka kawula pribumi, ora bakal ana sing wani nembak utawa ngadepi Diponegoro...
Perang iki banjur mrembet nganti daerah Wawar ( wilayah segara Kidul), Telogo, lan Petanahan...
Rikala 22 Januari 1829, Kyai Mojo, Haji Ali, lan Kasim Besari ingkang karangket Walanda di gawa dening Mayor Roeps lan Residen Nahuys, Komisaris Keraton Ngayogya, saperlu arep di ketemokKe Sentot Prawirodirjo ing daerah Kali Bendol..
Nanging, rikala kepanggih ing Gambling, ora ana kesepakatan rujuk, saingga mung di anani gencatan senjata
Part 17
Rikala April 1829, Diponegoro lan laskare lagi ing Petanahan, perang pecah..
Wadya bala Walanda kang di pandegani dening Kolonel Cleerens nggempur laskar Diponegoro..
Nanging ing paprangan iki, Cleerens ora kasil nyekel Diponegoro...
Lan Sentot mimpin perjuangan ing wilayah Ngayogya Kidul nganti sak Wetane kali Opak..
Banjur, ing 14 Oktober 1829, ing Karanggoni (Wilayah Kretek), Walanda nyekel Ratu Ageng (garwa Diponegoro) lan Raden Ayuu Gusti (Putri Diponegoro ingkang krama karo Pangeran Basah Martonegoro)...
Wekasan, ing tanggal 16 Oktober 1829, Sentot lan Pangeran Prawirokusumo, lan para Bupati ingkang cacahe 20, pasrah marang Landa ing Imogiri..
Sentot banjur di gawa menyang Bogor, lan di dadekNe Opsir Landa kanggo nderek Perang mungsuh Laskar Padri ing Minangkabau Sumatera...
Mergo ing Minang Sentot malah manunggal klawan laskar Padri, Sentot banjur di buang ing Bengkulu nganti sedane....
Taun 1827-1829, laskar Diponegoro saya suda..
Malah, ing taun 1829, putraNe ingkang asma Pangeran Joyokusumo gugur bareng karo Pangeran Ngabehi rikala magut yuda ing wilayah Bagelen tumuju daerah Pegunungan Menoreh...
Ing 20 Agustus 1829, Pangeran Mangkubumi uga pasrah Walanda...
21 September 1829, Jenderal De Kock nyerat nawala katujo'ake marang Keraton Ngayogya kang isiNe putusan lamun pihak Walanda sedya ngrangket pangeran Diponegoro urip utawa mati..
Layang iku uga nyebut sapa wae ingkang bisa ngrangket Diponegoro, bakal di paring bebana arupa 50.000 perak, tanah lungguh, pangkat lan gaji..
Pasrahe Pangeran Mangkubumi lan Pangeran Ario Prawirodiningrat, Laskar Bulkiyo rumangsa semplah atine...
1829 pungkasan, siji mbaka siji Senopati tangguh, uga pasrah Walanda...
Senopati iku ing antarane, Pangeran Ario Suryokusumo, Jerto Pengalasan (pahlawan Perang Pleret), Pangeran Joyosudiro
Part 18
Senajan penggalihe Pangeran Diponegoro "tertekan", penjenengane tetep nerusKe perjuangan...
Diponegoro tetep percaya tumrap prasetyaNe kawula Banyumas, Bagelen, lan Kedu....
Kanthi mangkono, usaha De Kock enggal mungkasi paprangan, gagal wigar...
Kanthi prajurit sing isih ana, Diponegoro tetep ngobarake paprangan...
Penjenengane banjur pindah-pindah saka lembah, gunung, alas, lan desa-desa...
Wiwitan taun 1830, laskar ingkang nderek'ake kari sithik...
Sak liyane iku, para laskar iki uga wis bosen lan kesel nglakoni Perang nganti 5 taun...
16 Januari 1830, Gubernur Jenderal Du Bus'de Gisignes di ganti Van Den Bosch..
Gubernur Jenderal anyar ingkang nerapKe aturan "Cultuur Stelsel...
Rikala iku, ana tawaran rundingan antarane Pangeran Diponegoro lan Kolonel Cleerens...
Nanging Diponegoro nampik pamundute Walanda...
Nanging De Kock ora nyerah..
Penjenengane banjur ngutus Cleerens supaya mbujuk putra Diponegoro, Pangeran Dipokusumo, supaya pasrah marang Landa...
Pasrahe Dipokusumo ndadek'ake penggalihe Pangeran Diponegoro saya "tertekan"...
Wekasan, ing Februari 1830, Kolonel Cleerens kasil nemo'ake papan pandelik'e Diponegoro lan ngajak Rundingan...
Ing kahanan kejepit, kersa ora kersa, Diponegoro minangkani pamundute Walanda..
Sak banjure, ing 16 Februari 1830, para Piyayi ingkang mungsuhan iki ketemu ing Remo Kamal, Bagelen, Purworejo...
Cleerens paring usul yen Pangeran Diponegoro supaya ngaso disik ing sak ngisore pegunungan Menoreh sinambi ngenteni rawuhe Letnan Jenderal Marcus Hendrick De Kock saka Batavia...
Nanging Diponegoro nampik usulan iku, sebab, Cleerens mung jejering andahan..
Diponegoro mung kersa musyawarah karo Jenderal De Kock ingkang wektu semana lagi ngrawuhi "pelantikan" Gubernur Jenderal sing anyar...
Supaya penggalihe Pangeran Diponegoro luluh lan kersa rawuh ing "Markas Agung" Legiun Walanda ing Magelang, Cleerens gawe nawala kang isine bakal mulya'ake lan nyengkuyung pamundute Diponegoro....
Cleerens uga maringi bebana arupa duit ewonan cacahe...
Nanging, duit-duit iku malah di dum-dum kanggo para penderek'e...
Sak banjure, Diponegoro janji arep rawuh manggihi Jenderal De Kock ing Magelang sak purnane sasi Ramadhan, sebab, sak suwene Ramadhan, Diponegoro ora kersa nyampuri urusan Agama lan Kadonyan..
Penjenengane arep nglampahi ibadah siyam kanthi ayem, tanpa swasana Perang...
Saingga, penjenengane nganggep kurang pas yen rundingan di leksanani ing wulan pasa..
De Kock kersa nampa alasan Diponegoro, len kersa ngenteni siape Pangeran Diponegoro...
Ana candhak'e..